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Uses and abuses of Gramsci, the Kirchner and the "hegemony"

Kirchner increasingly adopting Beatriz Sarlo as a "new intellectual guide" or the reference to his own critical consciousness that gives them the ideological foundations "project" from the bowels of "enemy", ie, from the pages of the newspaper.

She fired the debate on hegemony (or not) of Project K, from his article on the "culture war" that eventually would have won the Baldwin Brothers. The win would have allowed him to become hegemonic and Candomble "Never Less "would be a symbol of this process. Although in this article, the same Sarlo introduces certain limits on the ability hegemonic Kirchner, what activists and intellectuals K took as your own is just the alleged triumph in the" cultural battle "that announce Sarlo.

There is a mutual use between former Maoist intellectual and Kirchner. The last take their arguments to give a theoretical explanation progress to "project" and Sarlo is located in a "no place" or at the boundary between Kirchner and antikirchnerismo that allows, among other things, get to the fashion of the "politicization" quick draw a new book and extending a little fame of "lucid intellectual."

The discussion became somewhat theoretical and questioned the use of the concept of "hegemony" to understand or explain the political process in the years Kirchner of Argentina.

When certain concepts they are used for everything, do not end up explaining nothing. Or worse, end up adorning vulgar and shallow foundations that seek to take flight with the "use" of concepts resonant.

This seems to be happening with the concept of "hegemony" and its use to explain the political phenomenon of Kirchner.

Of course, the question of "hegemony" refers to Gramsci, who popularized and somewhat expanded the political world of its implementation, although it was not, as many believe, the "inventor" of it. It quoted Beatriz Sarlo, or rather plays his way to the Italian Marxist interpretation or endorses the most basic and somewhat common sense that Gramsci argues that hegemony has to do with the primacy of "political "and especially" cultural "as opposed to mechanistic or economistic positivism.

But no wonder if those theories of Gramsci, where the concept and some extent the strategy of 'civil hegemony', which pointed to the analysis and political practice in the advanced capitalist countries of what he termed generically as "the West" can be used for a semi-colonial country like Argentina. Or failing within what limits can provide.

In this respect, Gramsci himself warned: " This issue (the" Civil Hegemony "NDR) is proposed for modern states, but not for the backward countries or colonies, which still in force forms everywhere have been overcome and have become in anachronistic "(Prison Notebooks)

civil society and the" state in the broad sense "that Gramsci came to define in some stage of his thought, has come to take in many semi-colonial countries, including Argentina, a "density" certainly higher than in countries that Gramsci was included in what he called "East" (with Russia as an example).

The development of political parties unions, media and parliamentary democracy are the same elements that go in this direction. However, it can be said to have "matched" to say the least, the states of advanced capitalist societies central (or imperial). The structural limit on economic development and therefore their formation (and deformation) social, uneven and combined development, set a limit to the emergence of a process "organic" in these countries. His classes are developed differently and therefore make the analysis more complex forms of domination.

The discussion of hegemony and had a long history in the Russian Marxist movement, before Gramsci. Among the Russian Marxists, was discussed at length, but focused on what should concern be the position of the proletariat in the struggle against the Tsar and how to achieve a class alliance that would enable it play a leading role in the revolution.

Gramsci

The novelty was the "extension" of the use of the concept, to think how the bourgeoisie itself historically managed to impose its hegemony in the process of bourgeois revolution, and even how he did in the present, ie to explain "how it dominates the ruling class." As explained by P. Anderson, " For Gramsci, in effect, extended the notion of hegemony from your application original prospects of the working class in a bourgeois revolution against an order feudal and the mechanisms of bourgeois rule over the working class in a stabilized capitalist society "(the antinomies of Antonio Gramsci).
In a semi as Argentina, the ability to "hegemony" of the bourgeoisie or portions thereof, is very limited "from scratch" to put it in some way and we might even say that living in a "permanent organizational crisis . Like today, is very limited for much of the world bourgeoisie, with an economic crisis of capitalism will survive (there is Obama to ask)
As Trotsky explained here, in backward countries, by the very weakness of the national bourgeoisie, there are special forms of state power that tend to Bonapartism. Argentina and Latin American history, is a full realization of this premise. The democracy of the past nearly 30 years and relative stability are based on one of the largest counter-national history, rather than the ability to "hegemony" of the bourgeoisie.
The Baldwin is no stranger to these historical factors of the political conditions and as says our friend John Dal Maso, " I say this because if we hegemony in the sense of intellectual and moral block with some kind of homogeneity, this contrasts with unstable assembly which supports the government, the struggles between the center-junction, governors and mayors and CGT
The structural weakness of the bourgeoisie in Argentina, will prevent "genetically" become hegemonic. Gramsci said "The fact of hegemony presupposes taking into account the interests and tendencies of the groups on which will exercise hegemony, and should be a balance of commitment-in other words that the leading group should make sacrifices of an economic-corporate. But there is no doubt that though hegemony is ethical-political, must also be economic, must be based on the critical role exerted by the group leader the decisive nucleus of economic activity "(Prison Notebooks .)
And Perry Anderson adds " can see now why Gramsci's original formula was wrong. It impossible to separate the ideological functions of the bourgeois class power between civil society and state, in the way originally intended to do so. how fundamental "state-Western parliamentary legal amount its citizens is itself the focus of the ideological apparatus of capitalism. complex branched cultural control systems within civil society-radio, television, cinema, churches, newspapers, political parties, play, certainly a decisive complementary role in ensuring the stability of the regime class of capital. They play the same role, of course, the distorting prism of market relations and the structure of the work process clouded in the economy. The importance of these systems certainly should not be underestimated. But not be exaggerated or, above all, to confront the cultural-ideological role state itself. (The antinomies of Antonio Gramsci).

All this comes to mind not to eat the back of a new "hegemony" of the project Kirchner, a Candomble and pass some personalities culture (including "Beatriz Sarlo?), the project

K.

's coalition government based on right-wing governors, trade unionists and mayors gangster gangster - even though it is to win elections - is far from a block intellectual and moral, at least in the sense that Gramsci understood. And the breakup of this coalition will surely start to see the day after the electoral triumph, of course, if the global crisis, like hell, no "hits the queue" before.

The vanguard of the only class capable of "hegemony", ie the working class must prepare for this perspective.