Work Sailboat Physics

Mesa Festiva

An example of how you can prepare four details a table with a touch of festive and fun, colorful flowers, a garland ... and ready.

Sample Community Service Completed Letter

denuncia


pronounce you my lips, my sex, the only
I have
foot on the floor.


you pronounce my butts,
my ribs, my sides
.


all you pronounce my muses.
you reported.

Group Names In College

Uses and abuses of Gramsci, the Kirchner and the "hegemony"

Kirchner increasingly adopting Beatriz Sarlo as a "new intellectual guide" or the reference to his own critical consciousness that gives them the ideological foundations "project" from the bowels of "enemy", ie, from the pages of the newspaper.

She fired the debate on hegemony (or not) of Project K, from his article on the "culture war" that eventually would have won the Baldwin Brothers. The win would have allowed him to become hegemonic and Candomble "Never Less "would be a symbol of this process. Although in this article, the same Sarlo introduces certain limits on the ability hegemonic Kirchner, what activists and intellectuals K took as your own is just the alleged triumph in the" cultural battle "that announce Sarlo.

There is a mutual use between former Maoist intellectual and Kirchner. The last take their arguments to give a theoretical explanation progress to "project" and Sarlo is located in a "no place" or at the boundary between Kirchner and antikirchnerismo that allows, among other things, get to the fashion of the "politicization" quick draw a new book and extending a little fame of "lucid intellectual."

The discussion became somewhat theoretical and questioned the use of the concept of "hegemony" to understand or explain the political process in the years Kirchner of Argentina.

When certain concepts they are used for everything, do not end up explaining nothing. Or worse, end up adorning vulgar and shallow foundations that seek to take flight with the "use" of concepts resonant.

This seems to be happening with the concept of "hegemony" and its use to explain the political phenomenon of Kirchner.

Of course, the question of "hegemony" refers to Gramsci, who popularized and somewhat expanded the political world of its implementation, although it was not, as many believe, the "inventor" of it. It quoted Beatriz Sarlo, or rather plays his way to the Italian Marxist interpretation or endorses the most basic and somewhat common sense that Gramsci argues that hegemony has to do with the primacy of "political "and especially" cultural "as opposed to mechanistic or economistic positivism.

But no wonder if those theories of Gramsci, where the concept and some extent the strategy of 'civil hegemony', which pointed to the analysis and political practice in the advanced capitalist countries of what he termed generically as "the West" can be used for a semi-colonial country like Argentina. Or failing within what limits can provide.

In this respect, Gramsci himself warned: " This issue (the" Civil Hegemony "NDR) is proposed for modern states, but not for the backward countries or colonies, which still in force forms everywhere have been overcome and have become in anachronistic "(Prison Notebooks)

civil society and the" state in the broad sense "that Gramsci came to define in some stage of his thought, has come to take in many semi-colonial countries, including Argentina, a "density" certainly higher than in countries that Gramsci was included in what he called "East" (with Russia as an example).

The development of political parties unions, media and parliamentary democracy are the same elements that go in this direction. However, it can be said to have "matched" to say the least, the states of advanced capitalist societies central (or imperial). The structural limit on economic development and therefore their formation (and deformation) social, uneven and combined development, set a limit to the emergence of a process "organic" in these countries. His classes are developed differently and therefore make the analysis more complex forms of domination.

The discussion of hegemony and had a long history in the Russian Marxist movement, before Gramsci. Among the Russian Marxists, was discussed at length, but focused on what should concern be the position of the proletariat in the struggle against the Tsar and how to achieve a class alliance that would enable it play a leading role in the revolution.

Gramsci

The novelty was the "extension" of the use of the concept, to think how the bourgeoisie itself historically managed to impose its hegemony in the process of bourgeois revolution, and even how he did in the present, ie to explain "how it dominates the ruling class." As explained by P. Anderson, " For Gramsci, in effect, extended the notion of hegemony from your application original prospects of the working class in a bourgeois revolution against an order feudal and the mechanisms of bourgeois rule over the working class in a stabilized capitalist society "(the antinomies of Antonio Gramsci).
In a semi as Argentina, the ability to "hegemony" of the bourgeoisie or portions thereof, is very limited "from scratch" to put it in some way and we might even say that living in a "permanent organizational crisis . Like today, is very limited for much of the world bourgeoisie, with an economic crisis of capitalism will survive (there is Obama to ask)
As Trotsky explained here, in backward countries, by the very weakness of the national bourgeoisie, there are special forms of state power that tend to Bonapartism. Argentina and Latin American history, is a full realization of this premise. The democracy of the past nearly 30 years and relative stability are based on one of the largest counter-national history, rather than the ability to "hegemony" of the bourgeoisie.
The Baldwin is no stranger to these historical factors of the political conditions and as says our friend John Dal Maso, " I say this because if we hegemony in the sense of intellectual and moral block with some kind of homogeneity, this contrasts with unstable assembly which supports the government, the struggles between the center-junction, governors and mayors and CGT
The structural weakness of the bourgeoisie in Argentina, will prevent "genetically" become hegemonic. Gramsci said "The fact of hegemony presupposes taking into account the interests and tendencies of the groups on which will exercise hegemony, and should be a balance of commitment-in other words that the leading group should make sacrifices of an economic-corporate. But there is no doubt that though hegemony is ethical-political, must also be economic, must be based on the critical role exerted by the group leader the decisive nucleus of economic activity "(Prison Notebooks .)
And Perry Anderson adds " can see now why Gramsci's original formula was wrong. It impossible to separate the ideological functions of the bourgeois class power between civil society and state, in the way originally intended to do so. how fundamental "state-Western parliamentary legal amount its citizens is itself the focus of the ideological apparatus of capitalism. complex branched cultural control systems within civil society-radio, television, cinema, churches, newspapers, political parties, play, certainly a decisive complementary role in ensuring the stability of the regime class of capital. They play the same role, of course, the distorting prism of market relations and the structure of the work process clouded in the economy. The importance of these systems certainly should not be underestimated. But not be exaggerated or, above all, to confront the cultural-ideological role state itself. (The antinomies of Antonio Gramsci).

All this comes to mind not to eat the back of a new "hegemony" of the project Kirchner, a Candomble and pass some personalities culture (including "Beatriz Sarlo?), the project

K.

's coalition government based on right-wing governors, trade unionists and mayors gangster gangster - even though it is to win elections - is far from a block intellectual and moral, at least in the sense that Gramsci understood. And the breakup of this coalition will surely start to see the day after the electoral triumph, of course, if the global crisis, like hell, no "hits the queue" before.

The vanguard of the only class capable of "hegemony", ie the working class must prepare for this perspective.

Confirmation Letter Of Complete Volunteer Work

Julian Moore's house and its occupants

Today I bring you aparatamento some photos of the famous actress Julian Moore has in Manhattan.

Small Worm Like Bugs No Legs

Review: IN THE GARDEN OF MONICA

IN THE GARDEN OF MONICA: the undeniable force of Sara Joffré

Our independent theater owes much to Sara Joffré. Owner of a strong spirit, passionate and persistent, our Sara is probably not liked by many, but the debt we have is clear and huge, sustained throughout the work being done by younger people for decades and for his tireless efforts to share their experience with others. That's why this year, his first two works have been carried to the stage, as a tribute. The first was tale around a circle of foam , who started with a certain disadvantage, but that came to fruition thanks to the skill of the director Diego La Hoz and his group Free Space in the auditorium of the coffee-SE. And that handicap was born from its opening back in 1962 at the Theatre Club of Lima, where Ciro Alegria gave him the "blessing" to his work in the garden mate Monica, released in conjunction with tale about a circle of foam, both under the leadership of Alonso Alegría.

And just In the garden of Monica is the second work released so far this year, by the group Malioumba Theatre. His latest movie, the Youth Board of the Alliance Française (2003) directed by Ernesto Cabrejos and Teatro Auditorio Miraflores (2009) directed by Gustavo Cabrera, managed to give a personality to the history of this child, which can have up to eighty years (age limit imposed by the author) and playing in a horrible garden, with dry trees, dead leaves and dead birds, imagining an unreal world, always in the shadow of his castrating mother. The unexpected arrival of two completely unrelated to their world, completely alter his fantasy, but Seed germinate imagination newcomers, coming full circle with an abrupt and embarrassing end.

Young director Mirella Quispe, with studies in ENSAD like their actors, great space advantage offered by the court of the AAA: the columns, the auditorium door and barred windows are used effectively to develop the story. My Michelena created with much aplomb to an unreasonable and wandering Monica, achieving distinguish various levels in their performance during the opening monologue, imprinting his own style and scoring distance of the last performers of the character: Maria Carbajal (2003) and Daisy Sanchez (2009). Also notable is the participation of Maribel Velásquez in the role of the girl, who is very honest in his initial disbelief, and then continue the fantasies of Monica with the appearance of the Child, well played by Miguel Torres. The address does innovate in some aspects of the construction of the characters and their actions, while respecting the author's original text. Without doubt, this year has allowed the public, thanks to this show and now presented in the coffee-SE, discover the birth of a playwright and advocate of capital importance for our theater environment.

Sergio Velarde
08, May 2011

Sock Hop Birthday Invitation Sayings

The walls of intellectual capitalism

http://www.derechoaleer.org/ Taken from a great blog, interesting and necessary.

Online Beautiful Agony

sí

thousand times yes.
loudly,
with anguish, trembling with fear
:
itself.
from the bowels,
with all my voices,
in all shades,
to hoarseness and aphonia

also yes.

Blood In Cervical Mucus 1 Week Before Period

Homes 4

Again I present new houses and people.













Coleman is a DJ. Bond is his daughter. Photos in his apartment in downtown New York City.



















Blumina
Jennifer is the president of Skylight Group. James Ramsey is the president of a design Raad. Photos in his apartment in Manhattan.


























Mariana

Rothen is an artist / photographer. Some of his works can be found in www.MariannaRothen.com . Urs Hirschbiegel, your partner, is assistant director. Photos in the Manhattan loft.

























Brad Ford an interior designer. Photos in his apartment in Manhattan.

that's it for today, I hope a good weekend.

Trebuchet Blueprints Science Fair

Facundo Moyano and Youth Association (or the attempt of a "human face moyano)

The Campora and siphoning off younger generation to the K, was sufficiently discussed, analyzed and criticized - even us - in recent times. Pay stubs, the aspirations for statewide office or business listings on the top of this trend organized from the state and government, speak for themselves the quality of this new generation. What they call "the new management epic" translated into native language means "I put all the epic want, I demand only two conditions: positions and money." Petty arrogant, uploaded to riding the "project", desperately seeking a career in a state that, for now, has too many resources. The social component is the same as in the nineties was looking for a career in "private activity" under the pressure of convertibility and 1 to 1. We can paraphrase and say that "every time you the petty careerists who deserve" to this he was fortunate few nac & pop varnish.

But this is not the phenomenon we want to analyze now. Another school was born from within the Peronist union bureaucracy seeks to develop in the labor movement, partly as a continuation and an attempt to overcome aging and dysfunctional bureaucracy to the spirit of age of the times. An era marked by the end of the neoliberal restoration and a return to populism with national and state discourse, which is itself the product of the end of "neo-liberal paradigm" which imploded with the capitalist crisis current and popular revolts that marked the decade in Latin America (and now travel the world), which should be included in 2001 in Argentina. And product in turn, the "return of the proletariat" to international scene with great role in our country in recent years.

Facundo Moyano and Youth Association, seek to embody this renewal with a speech that tries to make a synthesis that overcomes the "old disagreements" between the right and left (Peron and not) that marked the 70's. A new youth association that includes among its references to Tosco and Rucci, or as he said, claiming the 30,000 y. .. Rucci.

With the return of worker ownership in Argentina, began to develop a trend (with a large youth component) that the press called the "base unionism." Current, of course, arises in opposition to the bureaucracy that in the nineties became an entrepreneur and / or permitted to be taken away from all the gains to workers and essentially remains equal to itself, at least for almost three decades. We can open the hypothesis that the Youth Association, is a first attempt at renewal and why not also a response to process "based unionism."

Youth Association to try to expropriate unionism and left class combative, flags were historically characteristic of this trend in the labor movement and that at some point were further lifted by the Peronist left. Kirchner

As with the flags of the struggle for human rights and the punishment of genocide, Youth Association, takes in the speech programs like "Huerta Grande and " The Skirt ".

Just as the "spring Campora" became a new "founding myth" in the political arena, the demand for certain combat history of the labor movement, aims to become a new "narrative" to achieve hegemony in the new young workers.

Facundo Moyano, a political picture a much higher level than his brother (Paul) and even his father, is proposed as the new white hope of a "human face moyano."

But if "camporees" have some contradictions, like being part of a government that has thousands of persecuted and prosecuted and even imprisoned at the people, while claiming an era marked by "Devotazo" Youth Association has its own who are not minors.

First, are an organic part of a union bureaucracy that runs from Pedraza to Moyano, beyond those who say the Kirchner who defend Moyano, and Hugo Moyano, and Facundo called Pedraza and imprison those responsible for Marian death Ferreyra. And, although not encouraged to seek their freedom and public evidence of the chief instigators of the UF, they did in the case of "Momo" Venegas.

Second, while speaking of programs as the skirt or Huerta Grande, posed the expropriation of the oligarchy, workers' control or nationalization of banks , it supports a government that keeps the oligarchic structure of the field and represses those seeking land, such as Qom. The domestic and foreign banks, makes money more than ever, and workers' control in factories and businesses Queen dictatorship of capital.

support the fact total division of the labor movement among employed, unemployed, outsourced and hired away from "absolute stability" of speaking these programs.

But the political dispute and union with this power that attempts to "renew" the bureaucracy, while maintaining its essence, becomes an important task for the youth class in the labor movement. Like all political and social phenomenon is contradictory and a product of recent history and the objective and subjective reconstruction of the working class. In a historical time which is decreasing the weight of the Peronist ideology among the new young workers (not for nothing Facundo Moyano clear that they are not the "Youth Peronist union, "but simply" Youth Association ")

The positive side is that consciously or unconsciously can help the politicization of a new segment of young workers. What sectors of the new working class to discuss the strengths and limits programs such as the skirt or Huerta Grande or the grandeur and misery of the "tosquismo" and the experience of militant trade unionism Cordoba, can not be more than good news for those who intend to build a current class in the labor movement, that beyond intentions of those who are driving this debate. Or rather, when those who adopt this discourse, only have to offer increasingly limited partitarias and with lower ceilings, for a minority of working class. And yet it is a challenge in the dispute to new working generation, overcoming the historical debate, and skills to this new attempt to "shift to the left reformist trade union bureaucracy.

Because, in essence, the task is the being that beautifully summed George Engel, one of the martyrs of Chicago, when he said that " My most ardent desire is that employees know who their enemies and who are your friends . Everything else I despise ... "