Does Brazilian Waxing Causes Warts

union bureaucracy and "dependency" of class (enemy)

Dragun (SMATA) Santesteban (Trial), Leyría (LyF)

read today Kempa a note with a fairly complete picture "for who they are playing" unions in elections next year in Cordoba and nationally. The majority supports the "Gallego" De la Sota and his return from the hand of CFK. From delasotistas "black mouth" as Pihen (state) or Dragun (mechanical) through Morcillo (power) and banking, until "Kirchner" ready to eat the frog as Leyría (Luz y Fuerza) or Nebreda-Monserrate ( teachers). Augusto Varas of the UOM and Daniele (municipal) court support and color grade gives Irina Santesteban (trial), an ex-leftist "supporter of the national Kirchner and Cordoba said ... the most" friendly "is Judge. Based
For some unions, like teachers or Luz y Fuerza, which had to face De la Sota, it will be hard to swallow this support from their leaders to "Gallego" and a sign of how far they can go to defend the "model."
De set is a sampling of the alliance of the entire union leadership to completely unrelated projects and against workers.
These same leaders are accusing the delegates that the basic question of "politics." In this they differ juecistas or delasotistas , who expelled delegates McCarthyite accusations against "lefties."
More generally it is sincerely use these union bureaucrats to denounce before the entire support workers to employers match that never benefited the working class. But also open the discussion on the legitimacy of politics, but its own policy of the working class, to break the dependence on the unions clearly bourgeois project. Some do not take the trouble to "disguise" of progressives, as the same De la Sota. While this exposes the project to "national and popular" pejotismo is supported by the murderer as in Formosa, in the neoliberal Menem (De la Sota) or right-wing trade union bureaucracy (or Dragún Pedraza). While the children and the agencies do acts "symbolic" in the Plaza San Martin, Peronism "pure and simple" (and against workers Jack was and is a "hard") is prepared to try to return to power backed by the most rotten of the union bureaucracy (including the "liberal" Light and Power).

Moh Exam Mcqs Dentistry

union bureaucracy, or the working class has the leadership it deserves? Good news

The "good news" , we had occupied these days re-weighing the interesting picture that opens to the advanced workers of Cordoba and defining how to give rise to responsibilities.

With a little more time, we turn to an issue we are addressing in this blog since its "birth": the union bureaucracy (and its inevitable connection with Peronism). This time, discussing not only with its fanatical defenders, but with some left-wing intelligentsia. And do not write for several days, we have been "overloaded" and we did a post a little long ...

We were privileged to receive a dossier that will forward to the next no. 7 of the magazine El Nuevo Topo, with the axis position to discuss precisely the union bureaucracy. Más130 are pages with articles by various authors (including our colleague Paula Varela) who analyze, in general from Marxism, the concept of union bureaucracy, the "complexity", its genesis, its representative or not, and some possible overcoming it. Very interesting analysis going back to Marx and Engels and their contributions to the union issue, via Gramsci, especially in his "moment advice", Trotsky and his contribution to the union-state, to classics scholars of trade unionism as Hyman and Daniel James.

are not lacking among many of the intellectuals who write about the issue, the advice and criticism of "the left" (and, in general) and his ideas on bureaucracy and its practice in the labor movement. We must recognize that these criticisms and advice are more "healthy" that we receive during the 90 and several years of 2000, when we called to set aside ancient and outdated that speech of "working class", who had disappeared or is was diluted in new subjects (especially materials and "soft") of the new information society and the Empire with its biopower, which had surpassed the company's Capital for something new post-industrial, post-historical, is ie, post-modern.

But "the executioner (and even defeated invisibilzado) remained on the threshold" and reappeared with everything, and with it the new-old classic discussions on the ways of their emancipation.

However, the first problem is that in his criticism of "left", these intellectuals, rather than discuss his theory and actual practice, build their own prejudices and are stuck to a "left" and then "refute". Myths about alleged beliefs and practices that have little or no foundation in reality or at best apply to sects that have never done anything serious in the labor movement.

worst thing is that the political and ideological background of these criticism, the most dangerous result is that several of them can lead to base (and justify?) "to left" the existence of the union bureaucracy. We will try to systematize these myths and explain controversially in several posts, both from theory and practice where we stand the problem (or try to approach it.)

Here we will discuss with the myth that left believes there is an opposition and a permanent tension between the rules and directions, with bases all the time pushing the fight and that the slow directions. According to this view, the left would be in the working class a subject "ontologically" revolutionary.

Troska In the jargon this is known as "the theory of 180 degrees", ie the bases are always 180 ° opposite to directions. For multiple authors of the dossier, this is THE problem of "left" and this is expressed (all quotations from the NT kit)

"So it was paying and consolidating a strong sense of left , union democracy whose slogan was applied to the leaders union to which they saw as barrage of workers bases perennially democratic, militant and revolutionary . " (Introducción. Towards a debate on the concept of union bureaucracy)

" Much of the left in Argentina been used very loosely in the category of union bureaucracy in their analysis of the working class. It has built a distorted image of a leadership always opposite to generate processes of struggle and constantly faced with bases would be willing to fight and to radicalize the process " (Gonzalo Perez Alvarez. Returning to an old debate: bases, address, trade unions and labor strategies)

"To think that the problem is reduced to the union leadership expressed a serious misunderstanding. Assume that the difficulties of the working class in Argentina to build an alternative to capitalism is limited to need to "end the union bureaucracy" or of bringing a "new democratic leadership "is not beyond the bounds of trade unionism. Is another expression of the problem is more serious and makes the 83-class consciousness, which is reflected in these positions of the largest left-wing currents in our country ". (Gonzalo Pérez Alvarez op.cit. .)

Without ruling that fools are everywhere (even among the Trotskyist left), this is not far from our conception (and at least we are among one of the "left most numerous streams of our country ").

The state of the economy (including certain branches), the recent and historical experience, both as a political union, defeats or triumphs, ideology or "consciousness" set, along with many other elements, the situation or face of the "bases", which we have called the subjectivity and its relation to this framework addresses. Where the very existence of this "super" call union bureaucracy is a key element that acts permanently and not just in times of struggle on the basis partly shaping their subjectivity. And where you also have to have their material, as the divisions imposed in recent years, guaranteed by the bureaucracy as well described by Paula V. in his note. Ghigliani and Belkin (two of the authors of the dossier) rescue some of this element and separated from what he calls the vision "orthodox" ( bases facing the directions provided ) and vision "revisionist", arguably inaugurated by D. James ( "there is some complementarity between databases and addresses, and dichotomy not only).

claim," In this short essay will explore the following hypothesis: that the separate report setting out the orthodox analysis between leaders and bases, showing the relative representation of the first and criticize essentialism the premise that usually leave, that is, the ontologically revolutionary character of the working class is a first step, no doubt important, but insufficient. Is insufficient, one hand, because runs the risk of turning into a justification
addresses complacent actively militate against the construction of workers' power "Bureaucracy association: insights for a discussion in the making. Pablo Alejandro Ghigliani and Belkin.
There are moments of greater trends mobilization and confrontation, for example in the crisis, when the Capital is to download on the working class or by some recovery of objective forces that lead to increased aspirations and go for more and are in the bureaucracy is a limit ..

The central question for us is that capital (and more in this time of historic crisis) has to enter recurring crisis and to seek their "solution" in new forms of appropriation of surplus value, attacking the working class. At this time the interests of the union bureaucracy and its action, tend to open confrontation with the foundation or the whole class. And this is inseparable from the political orientation of the bureaucracy, both determined and fed back its privileged location, ie its reform program in general . The reformist bureaucracy, which is intended to "set limits", "moderate" to the Capital, but not abolish it, always ends side of capital against the working class when he is forced to smash it to "save" their social and political. Trotsky posed to Britain an element that is applicable (and even more so!) For a semi-colonial country like Argentina, which is experiencing a period of "end of cycle": "The decline of British capitalism, within the framework of the decline the world capitalist system, work undermined the foundations of reform union. Capitalism can only be maintained by lowering the standard of living of the working class. Under these conditions, unions can either be transformed into revolutionary organizations or become auxiliaries of capital in the increased exploitation of workers. The union bureaucracy, which successfully resolved their own social problems, took the second path. Turned all the power gained by the unions against the socialist revolution and even against any attempt by workers to resist the attacks of capital and the reaction . " Leon Trotsky" Unions in Britain "(1933 ) on About the unions.

This is not to say that between crisis and mediate crisis moments, sometimes long (especially if the previous cycle ended with big losses) in growth and relatively "smooth" the Capital (as in recent years Argentina, based on a terrible attack on the wage to the devaluation, among other issues). But even during these moments (which are preparatory to the Marxists), and may be the most "complementarity" between databases and addresses, everything is very limited. In sub-sectors, in some branches (which Paula Varela calls "kind of labor aristocracy") may find some support from the foundation to their directions, but in no way taking the whole working class and even in those sectors, the "honeymoon" ends where the crisis begins. Passivity or "no question" generalized union bureaucracies say LT or "tolerance" of the working class to their directions (taking into account the "detail" of these bureaucracies accumulate power, protected by the state and employers to "cooperate" and work together to pursue those questions) are to be found in the divisions imposed (and guaranteed by the reformist leaderships), based on previous losses that make it difficult to "revolutionary unity of the working class." As we are far from the vision of a working class "ontologically revolutionary" we said here alongside LT "The proletariat embodies a powerful social unit in acute period of revolutionary struggle unfolds so full to achieve the objectives of the class as a whole. But within this unit is a remarkable diversity , would even say that a disparity negligible. Among the ignorant and illiterate pastor and the mechanic there are a number of cultures and levels of skills and adapt to daily life. Each layer, each guild, each group is ultimately composed of living beings other than age and temperament, each of whom has a past different. If such diversity does not exist, the Communist Party's work for the unification and education of the proletariat would be easy . However, how difficult is this task, as we see in Western Europe! Arguably, the richer is the story of a country, and therefore their working class history: the more education, tradition and ability to buy, the former group is more difficult to contain and turn it into revolutionary unity (...) " ( Leon Trotsky "policy not only does man live" - \u200b\u200b1923)

Now, as is false is true that the "theory of the 180 º" no less false is totally against that theory may be summarized as "the bases have the addresses they deserve", which was crudely expressed here a fool who tries to take the title of "intellectual" (a disciple of "more bitter man the world "). And back to the master LT treatment given to this question in class, Party and Address: "There is an old saying that reflects the evolutionary and liberal conception of history: a people gets the government it deserves. History shows us however, that one and the same people can have during a relatively short period, different governments (Russia, Italy, Germany, Spain, etc.) and also that the order in which they occur is not always the same direction, from despotism to freedom, as liberals believe evolutionists. The secret of this state of affairs is that a people is composed of hostile classes and that these same classes are made up of different layers, partially opposite each other and have different orientations. Furthermore, all people are influenced by other peoples, each made up of classes. Governments are not the expression of "maturity" ever increasing "people", but the product of the struggle between different classes and different layers within one and the same class and also the action of external forces alliances, conflicts, wars, etc. . We should add that a government, from the time set, may last much longer than the balance of power which has been the product. It is from these historical contradictions that occur revolutions, coups, the counterrevolutionaries. The same dialectic method should be used to address the issue of the direction of a class. As liberals, our sages tacitly admit the axiom that every class has address deserves. In fact, the address is not at all, the "simple reflection" of a class or the product of his own creative power . An address is formed in the course of clashes between different classes or friction between different layers within a particular class. But as soon as it appears, the direction inevitably rises above the class and this fact risks the pressure and the influence of other classes . The proletariat can "tolerate" for quite some time to an address that has just undergone a total internal degeneration, but has not had the opportunity to manifest in the course of great events. need is a big shock to reveal historical acutely l a contradiction between address and class. powerful historical shocks are wars and revolutions. For this reason the working class is often caught by surprise by war and revolution . But even if the old address has revealed its own internal corruption, l a class can not immediately improvise a new direction, especially if it has inherited from the previous period strong revolutionary cadres able to take advantage of the collapse of the old ruling party. Marxist interpretation, ie dialectic and not scholastic, the relationship between a class and its leadership leaves no stone unturned legalistic sophistry of our author. "Leon Trotsky" Class, Party, Directorate

Without roundly criticized reformist direction, ie the union bureaucracy and no work on the advanced sectors of the working class to defeat it, no chance to form such "revolutionary cadres solid", to prepare (as a whole class of "tolerate" their corrupt way) for the moments of rupture or revolution.

Will it continue? ...

Writing A Letter Of Reconsideration For Apartment

Omar Dragún - Sec Gral SMATA - Córdoba

LAST TIME - ELECTION OF DELEGATES TO BODY

Defeat of the bureaucracy in Volkswagen de Córdoba

(La Verdad Workers - No. 401) As this book was the count of the election body of delegates at the Volkswagen factory in Cordoba. An extensive list of independent representatives of the bureaucracy, which includes sectors combative, defeated by a wide margin (830 votes to 620) to the list who responded to the bureaucracy of Miranda and Omar Dragun. Thus, the new body of delegates from 18 members is composed entirely of representatives of the opposition.

The winning list exceeded maneuvers bureaucratic leadership wanted to change the historical form of election of delegates by sector and calling in a very short time, a choice list "sheet", ie the winning list is left with the whole body of delegates. The leadership of SMATA wanted to get rid of opposition delegates and especially the militant sectors, which had been gaining among workers. The play "all or nothing" of the bureaucracy he went very wrong: his list was swept and was left without representatives in the new body of delegates.

is a win against a leadership that has been questioned since the great struggle of contracted and Gestamp Iveco (2009) led by Hernán Puddu delegate, who was expelled by a Congress SMATA trout and is now pursued by the company and is fighting for his reinstatement. This leadership also was divorced, when delegates will respond cowardly attacked the officer Sergio Folchieri last year.

is an important step and a responsibility of the new body of delegates, for the entire workforce SMAT, on the way to recover the workers' organizations at the hands of leaders as pro Dragún employers and company and to put truly at the service of the struggle of workers.

Sore Throat Hard To Swallow No Other Symptoms

The "bourgeoise in flames," Peronism and the working class "deployment or retraction? (A response to Manolo B.)

" When the bourgeoisie waiver knowingly and obstinately to resolve problems arising from the crisis of bourgeois society guese, when the proletariat is not yet ready to take on this task are the students who occupy the proscenium. In developing the first Russian revolution, we have observed this phenomenon more than once, this phenomenon has always been for us a huge significance symptomatic. This activity or semi-revolutionary, bourgeois society means that the deep crisis. Petty youth, feeling that an explosive force builds up in the masses, tends to find your way exit this quagmire and further promote the political development ".

L. Trotsky, Letter to the editor of Counter. June 13, 1930

Manolo B. d ice that mobilizations of thousands of students we saw in London is an expression (some more) of the "ideological bankruptcy of the really existing hegemony." And the crisis of globalization (which is not the final crisis of capitalism, makes it clear), devices resistance moved or are moving to the organizations 'labor aristocracy', no more the unemployed or the MMSS. Said that, as in 20/30, the Popular Front or Frente Class is what is being discussed (as if we had not seen where they ended the Popular Front in Spain and France, to name a few)

And " confesses: " The P're trying to add to anyone who wants to add, because" we believe "we are in full retreat since 2007, due to the international situation."

agreed that "although there is broad space of divergence in the analysis, we can agree on several of the "symptoms" :

1/La "ideological bankruptcy" is a product of the "crisis of globalization", which is the crisis of capitalism if the "Final" or not depends on the class struggle and who "impose the political line", as stated here do not believe in any automation and catastrophism objectivist and as explained LT "The capitalist equilibrium is a complicated phenomenon, the capitalist system constructs that balance, break it, rebuild it and breaks it again, widening, by the way, the limits of their domain. In the economic sphere, these constant disruptions and restorations of equilibrium take the form of crises and booms. In the sphere of relations between classes, the imbalance is to strikes, lock-outs, in revolutionary struggle. In the sphere of relations between states, the imbalance is war, or, more insidiously, war of tariffs, economic warfare and blockade . Then capitalism has a dynamic equilibrium, which is always in the process of rupture and restoration. At the same time, such a balance has great resistance force, the best evidence we have of her is that there is still a capitalist world "

2 / We agree that national governments and their" dominant minorities "are discussing strategies that may include the suppression , a trade war and the setting. The point is the results and if their actions do not produce more seizures and other types of breach of "balance" in the context of a weakness of all the types of reforms (including P, = ). But see France " Will of majority of workers and youth to say enough, if not pass the pension reform, (first of a series of reforms and attacks that involve a qualitative leap in the worsening conditions of life) has changed the air of these times. This change is deep and is difficult to dissolve with the end of this stage which may show that Sarkozy has won, but at what cost! ". The cabinet reshuffle (made the weekend!) By removing all Fillon beginning and then replacing them all, starting with Fillon, are symptomatic of a certain disorientation.

"Now, that P. since 2007 are trying to add to whatever comes because are in "retreat" (here joined a bean with a "heavy duty" of those, the Gallego de la Sota), does what the working class is in retreat?. The triumph of the Rock (these are not just "labor aristocracy") and made "against" the union bureaucracy has no smell "retreat." For us, the outsourcing of the Rock are part of a process that begins with the recovery of gymnastics association in 2003/2004, the rise of "grassroots unionism" (internal Garrahan, Subway, Kraft, Pepsico and several other internal North, and developing a broad base delegates Telephone combative, SMATA, UOM, Charts), minorities "intense" and stands for agitation to the entire working class, which overall growth is continuing and passivity, the point is when symptoms start of the crisis. That has worked for some time, it is true that some "T" turned to the MMSS is not our case, the PTS, which did not run after fashion and not we listened to T. Negri, so our best known achievement is Zanon ceramics union, and now Kraft and Subway.

words on the deployment or redeployment, is more comparable to us (and as any comparison has limits) with 60s., With the 76/77. With less radicalization in the methods, because the scheme is another, but now left with less reform activist and a tip: Trotskyism taking their place in the scene. 76/77 chewed in the dust of defeat, after the direction of the front passed through petty variants ("Marxist" and Peronist), who refused, failed, to develop experience working with the Peronist movement that began to face (June / July). That is, more similar to when Walsh wrote Who Killed Rosendo?, When prepared the documents "disappointed" by criticism of the driving, which at that point would send anyone (documents cited by MB and that he says are in effect today as the foundation a retreat to Peronism).

- Finally, it is true that in college, and student demonstrations of London, something corporate, but also something "symptomatic" in the sense of the quotation above LT. Was more evident in France, high school students (secondary) were the most radical in the fight against .... the pension reform. In Argentina, the shots in Buenos Aires and Cordoba, some of it expressed, the construction problems are in years. And all this before (and in Cordoba against) the "youth K". There is an emergency youth and difference, in Argentina, is that there is a policy of attempted co-optation by the state (with militant speech) to add it to the "Armed" but with "little to offer." Here was rapid disenchantment of the new "Youth wonderful" when closed ranks with the champions of soybean country (the "Gringo" and "Gallego), settlement announced live and direct on the screens, with Renault manager luxury witness ("to hell with the mystical"!). High school and college youth can be a little more than "seed". Greetings

FR

Invitation Wording Guests Pay For Meals

Peronists, theory, bureaucracy and the "facts"

Abel says and forgive the length: I prefer the pragmatic approach that Perón liked: in politics, what counts are results. Of course, there also my visitors had arguments: EmeErre, for example, he says: " An act of ministries just got engaged to reinstate and proceed to plant at all, given the outsourced assembly. The policy in the hands of the working class (the policy of the Trots) parecde getting the only reforms . "

A very good news, and a fitting tribute to Mariano Ferreyra. Of course, there also are the presuppositions of who says it. The support given to the outsourced Moyano when he met with them, as well as national government policies appear not to have any bearing on the decision of the Minister Tomada. When an officer does something completely unresponsive to the demands of labor, it proves the complicity of the union bureaucracy and political patron. When you get a victory, tore the struggle of the workers, wisely led by the PTS or PO or ... ( delete as appropriate ).

So every one is playing his music? Not quite. A comment EmeErre, which is then replicated in a post from "The Devil", we are enlightened us something we already knew, but remember ... and understand:

"... the new law would be the right of defending Rucci agreements and Lorenzo Miguel, 74. Then agreements included categories that are now allowed to outsource (eg the Convention of the Railway Union were the categories track and work or cleaning that are now made by UOCRA or petty). The new law would keep it just for the outsourced that the agreement would be more favorable in outsourcing. Example: if I am a firm outsourced workers UOM'll be able to be in the UOCRA and I can unhook the slave even more petty or trade agreements that are even lower. Finally, to the left of Pedraza but Rucci right "

not play here ideologies and philosophies. This is a fact. Now, when we asked why, again. For simple explanations quickly crumble. It is difficult to believe that is because the union leaders, all working against the workers and every day try to joderlos a little more. Also, the automatic response of many compatriots, which would include the 30 000 missing and the betrayal of the Menem administration (which was returned to vote in '95, out of pure masochism argento, it seems) can not account for a similar story can be told in many developed countries, including, for example, U.S.

For my part, accepting that it is also too short, I note that from the 70s began a phase of financial globalization that creates an enrichment - that fictitious classical economists call - but it reaches to parts of the world population in developed countries, numerous enough for the balance of economic power producers to abandon property. Not entirely, of course. But this process is combined with a less commented that begins about fifteen years later. The relocation of industrial activity in East Asia, particularly China, attracted by low wages, lack of labor laws and the lack of environmental protection. Process which was led by a party imbued with the doctrines of Marx, Engels and Mao, for those ironies that loves to history.

Following of the global economic system is that today we are on the right and Lorenzo Rucci. I'm not particularly concerned about that. I give the Trotskyists to the left position, for that strive (...)

In the petition of Abel there are at least three discussions (and arguments!). A, say, "ideological", the other in relation to the dynamics of conquests, triumphs and defeats of the working class and does this relate to the Peronist union leadership, and a third on the transformations of capitalism in recent decades, making as a "framework" which develops the national struggles of the working class Argentina.

Abel As you say, it is difficult to separate the ideological aspect of practical political debate. Because if the theory is "widespread reality", ie general conclusions "many facts" (in this case social), enabling the development of legislation (and theories) which in turn can capture the dynamics of social processes and intervene to develop a sense "progressive", then, political theory is perhaps even more necessary than in other sciences.

And I'm not surprised that Abel, as well Peronist adhere to the "pragmatism" and entry is separated from the theory without which then can not explain the other develops two aspects, namely of theory that has a class struggle between its main foundations or whatever it is, Marxism. Abel makes it clear that is not Freudian, or Marxist, Peronist. (This sounds to me;)

And that's OK, we did not expect more (or less) of it, the problem is that if you abstraction class struggle, the other two issues that speaks seem to arise from "spontaneous generation." Let's see: Abel

somehow says, that on balance the outcome of the struggle of the outsourced rail (the return Pass and commitment to plant), we undervalue Trots at least two events: the meeting of outsourced Moyano and government policy, something that influenced that decision. That puts us in a discussion that may lead to a thought and a circular debate. Because if we turn the argument, we can say that according to the Peronist, when you lose is because of the "objective conditions" that did not (and a few that I know would add Peronist unionists "and handed him his head warm people "), and when you win is a" management "genius of the Secretary-General and" organic bodies "+ a good policy of an even better Minister of Labor (Peronist, of course).

The problem are the facts in the case of outsourcing, or Taken, and Moyano (or Abel), talked about them before, their working conditions now known to all, are released to the fight and are heard and all support (and even political cooperation) in the PTS Trots (and the Edge). The outsourcing of the country, until they do the same, that is fighting (and hopefully encourage them rail example) will not achieve such successes. The "gesture" of Moyano and Tomada, came the struggle and not vice versa. Would not it be a tribute more "worthy" to Mariano Ferreyra is over outsourcing in the country?. The problem is that outsourcing and procurement (contracts that are a complete sham labor) is one of the bases of the "model" and the earnings of capital (foreign and domestic, that does not discriminate in all contracts to outsource and use garbage) . And when he laid the structural basis of this "model" that was completed to establish in the 80 and 90 (after the dictatorship), the Peronist union leaders (mostly the same as today) to speak in Creole "did not stop a Fulbe "(as the defense of the current River): flexibility, privatization, contract law, unemployment, and then devaluation polyfunctionality and bursts of wages. Some will say "but the MTA Moyano moved Piumato and he even shot an egg," said but as General " in politics, what counts are the results" , all such attacks and passed became the capital gains that today "we fall to the right of Rucci. But here, to Abel would not have the responsibility of union leadership, which for us have a "logical" unbreakable (and reform), ie at times of peak prey on something (not hard not to fuck "the model") and moments deliver what crisis comes (not to fuck the system) and make their "perestroika" . No, the problem according to Abel, would be in international conditions, namely in the new era of "financial globalization."

But again, the question is: whence comes this phase of capitalism (which some called "neoliberal"), but is also the very contradictions of capital, the large losses suffered by the global labor movement? Reaganism and Thatcherism and the crushing of the proletariat English and Yankee, and, of course, the defeat of the Chinese proletariat and the countries of Eastern Europe and Russia, with the restoration of capitalism, were "pre-conditions" for this phase for us to "restore" (Which fortunately is exceeded). Defeats which had "something" to do the addresses of the labor movement, especially the variants of Stalinism, whether Russian or Chinese (story, say that Mao asked an Argentine activist who visited him, as he claimed in Argentina and he said "Maoist" what the "great helmsman" said "error, you must be a Peronist ).

Were not the PS, PC or Labour, which in turn directed the labor movement organizations, the "neo-liberal" who carried out these programs in several countries where they were both the government and were the agents of capitalist restoration in socialist bloc?. Or let's say that they too were "determined" by the "phase of financial globalization."

not going to make under the Peronist this international labor movement, but we can not allow that since the "pragmatism" will save the responsibilities, not just the Peronist union bureaucracy, but now also in all directions (reformist and not) of the world labor movement.

Another possibility is that there is some new "philosophy of history" Peronist we do not know (our Marxism never joined any philosophy history) to prove that we were "doomed" to the phase of financial globalization with its miseries included. As we see it difficult, in summary, we believe that under these conditions (and betrayal) that describe the struggles and power relations between classes, is the explanation of the present moment of capitalism (and I stress and related to the problems that the own capital for "extended play"). Because it just like that, history is the history of class struggle, but also as FE said "History does nothing, has no great wealth, not fight battles; who does all that, owns and struggle is man himself : Man alive, real. It is the story that the man used as a tool to achieve the goal, as if history were a separate being, because the history is but the action of the man who pursues his goals. " And among these men are, aside Pedraza and the other the Mariano Ferreyra, with its own objectives and action. Everyone will know which side to wear.

A little "epilogue" (Walsh again on the Vandoren, theory and the "facts")
says Walsh, " At one time the Vandoren has boasted for its action does not require complicated political theories (...) Discuss Vandoren from the perspective of a revolutionary theory of the working class is to rediscover one by one the old cliches of reformism, of bourgeois trade unionism. Vandor In any event he is defeated by the facts, in addition theory. If workers deem it hard today is for the results of action, for what he has achieved with their negotiations, their schemes and their covenants, to destroy the guild making metallurgical in simple device, divide the CGT, break the workers' confidence in their leaders, the labor movement to roll back to 1943 ".
paraphrase, discuss current trade union bureaucracy (Pedraza or Moyano or CTA, delete as appropriate) from the point of view of theory is to find a common place of bourgeois reformism in the labor movement. But not only are defeated by the theory, and essentially but facts: black work, job insecurity, outsourcing and fraudulent contracts "working poor" relaxation, voiding the trade unions and away (to say the least) of the leaders of their bases (unless "closer" with street gangs) how the labor movement declined?.
greetings

FR

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Looking Cute Snowboarding

The "Gringo", the oligarchy and the new student movement

We read here and saw yesterday how a disheveled Schiaretti accused of "pro-oligarchs" students who oppose the draft law reform 8113 provincial education. "It seems as if they were venting" the chronicler of the news of 12, while showing the gushing cries of the governor (and his Minister of Education). What happens is that students will spit roast Gringo, who wanted to retire glorious (no reelection) to maintain their "image" and return the next or be "clean" when needed.

seems that quickly adopted its new role as part of "armed" post-acto de Santa Isabel, and even explained what it means to be "national and popular" and "progressive." The catch is that all this is to defend a bill discussed with the Catholic Council of Córdoba and other institutions as "oligarch" like that.

The "Gringo", which defended death profitability of soybean and is a loyal employee the other "oligarchs" - the industrial-automotive multinationals accused students, teachers and parents of pro-oligarchy and preys particularly those clustered in the Interestudiantil. You should be careful with that little tone that sounds like "zurdaje" and you can lose "by right" as he hopes to win "for left" and Judge (pancake with a diploma and all), or dumb or lazy, take advantage of the tasty "twist" , as well as radicales.Tener in front of De la Sota, Schiaretti and "widow" can be a godsend for both.

But as I propose, if it may be part of "project", the "Gringo" can be declared Lenin Trotsky and Che together ....

What is not understood very well what he meant here "Supermario" Grahovac, Minister of Education, that the more "marked" and a primary responsibility and "indelevagable" state !?!??

The students, their achievements and what still needs

But let their problems, the settlement between them.

important thing for us is to see what he achieved this great process of struggle that gave birth to a new student movement, particularly in secondary and in some leading sectors of the University:

1. The whole movement that started with the shots did tear construction plans for schools and "legitimized" a method of struggle and direct action, including footage of schools, mass demonstrations and pickets across the city. A practice not seen for years in Cordoba and greatly complicating the government and its allies who wanted to pass unnoticed in a Legislature addicted to PJ.
2. put under discussion, from the law, the class character of all education, not only in regard to structural issues (building complex deficit, budget etc), but the content and "who serve" forms in schools. With a great challenge to the Church and the interference of the companies, the demand for education "quality" across the movement. The government even had to go back some steps and made clear that if religious education is delivered must be in an "extracurricular." The presentation of the law and the "out" of the Gringo (which was more red than the normal intake puts red), showed them on the defensive.
3. As part of this, the movement faced the whole political system Cordoba: the government, the legislature, the bosses' parties, the teachers union bureaucracy and the Church, and even to Scott and the UNC, which were part of the development of the project by consensus. Proving that the "consensus" of the regime "above", is far from convincing or captivating "from below". And tore statements against the law, making them retract, some who had been part of the development, as the Supreme Council of the UNC.
4. In this fight, because he could conquer an organization based on school assemblies and institutions, to Interestudiantil Assembly, which enabled the development of unified movement and secondary teachers, college and university, demonstrating the power the self-organization also remains organized. Different was the drift of the "Side Up" Libres del Sur "(and all their labels, etc. SUC), which showed its bureaucratic ways and without control of assemblies, fully consistent with their divisive politics and transeros with the government, saying that are not accountable to anyone, which earned them the basic peer reviews of schools where dirgían. So I ended up being a tiny minority of the movement and a large sector of fellow co-directed schools , adding to the Interestudiantil.
5. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, there was a large segment of youth who makes his first political experience and activist, facing the whole regime, which began a process of "spin" and where debates were opened countless political, ideological and strategic partnerships with the most advanced sector. A movement that (in the absence "from below" in 2001 in Córdoba) is directly in the rescue of historical memory, until May 1969, ie the "Cordobazo and unit labor - students. No less is this in a city with many changes through returns to conglomerate metalworking thousands of workers (as well as in other branches such as food). A old activist told us that this fight reminded him of the lead that came with the "secular and free" in 1958 that even today those schools were "concerning", so were in that fight and came away largely generation, ten years later, military term in the different variants of the radical left after Cordobazo.

Start a discussion on the strategic outlook of this new youth (who want to co-opt national K - to be seen ... but not in these lands seem to have much "predicament") is the task more interesting for those who while accompanied with all our forces as they struggle. But at the same time understanding the urgency of discussing the need for a political organization of youth with the working class, on the basis of the balance of 70, be prepared for new Cordobazo, with the ambition of this time it succeed.