Looking Cute Snowboarding

The "Gringo", the oligarchy and the new student movement

We read here and saw yesterday how a disheveled Schiaretti accused of "pro-oligarchs" students who oppose the draft law reform 8113 provincial education. "It seems as if they were venting" the chronicler of the news of 12, while showing the gushing cries of the governor (and his Minister of Education). What happens is that students will spit roast Gringo, who wanted to retire glorious (no reelection) to maintain their "image" and return the next or be "clean" when needed.

seems that quickly adopted its new role as part of "armed" post-acto de Santa Isabel, and even explained what it means to be "national and popular" and "progressive." The catch is that all this is to defend a bill discussed with the Catholic Council of Córdoba and other institutions as "oligarch" like that.

The "Gringo", which defended death profitability of soybean and is a loyal employee the other "oligarchs" - the industrial-automotive multinationals accused students, teachers and parents of pro-oligarchy and preys particularly those clustered in the Interestudiantil. You should be careful with that little tone that sounds like "zurdaje" and you can lose "by right" as he hopes to win "for left" and Judge (pancake with a diploma and all), or dumb or lazy, take advantage of the tasty "twist" , as well as radicales.Tener in front of De la Sota, Schiaretti and "widow" can be a godsend for both.

But as I propose, if it may be part of "project", the "Gringo" can be declared Lenin Trotsky and Che together ....

What is not understood very well what he meant here "Supermario" Grahovac, Minister of Education, that the more "marked" and a primary responsibility and "indelevagable" state !?!??

The students, their achievements and what still needs

But let their problems, the settlement between them.

important thing for us is to see what he achieved this great process of struggle that gave birth to a new student movement, particularly in secondary and in some leading sectors of the University:

1. The whole movement that started with the shots did tear construction plans for schools and "legitimized" a method of struggle and direct action, including footage of schools, mass demonstrations and pickets across the city. A practice not seen for years in Cordoba and greatly complicating the government and its allies who wanted to pass unnoticed in a Legislature addicted to PJ.
2. put under discussion, from the law, the class character of all education, not only in regard to structural issues (building complex deficit, budget etc), but the content and "who serve" forms in schools. With a great challenge to the Church and the interference of the companies, the demand for education "quality" across the movement. The government even had to go back some steps and made clear that if religious education is delivered must be in an "extracurricular." The presentation of the law and the "out" of the Gringo (which was more red than the normal intake puts red), showed them on the defensive.
3. As part of this, the movement faced the whole political system Cordoba: the government, the legislature, the bosses' parties, the teachers union bureaucracy and the Church, and even to Scott and the UNC, which were part of the development of the project by consensus. Proving that the "consensus" of the regime "above", is far from convincing or captivating "from below". And tore statements against the law, making them retract, some who had been part of the development, as the Supreme Council of the UNC.
4. In this fight, because he could conquer an organization based on school assemblies and institutions, to Interestudiantil Assembly, which enabled the development of unified movement and secondary teachers, college and university, demonstrating the power the self-organization also remains organized. Different was the drift of the "Side Up" Libres del Sur "(and all their labels, etc. SUC), which showed its bureaucratic ways and without control of assemblies, fully consistent with their divisive politics and transeros with the government, saying that are not accountable to anyone, which earned them the basic peer reviews of schools where dirgían. So I ended up being a tiny minority of the movement and a large sector of fellow co-directed schools , adding to the Interestudiantil.
5. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, there was a large segment of youth who makes his first political experience and activist, facing the whole regime, which began a process of "spin" and where debates were opened countless political, ideological and strategic partnerships with the most advanced sector. A movement that (in the absence "from below" in 2001 in Córdoba) is directly in the rescue of historical memory, until May 1969, ie the "Cordobazo and unit labor - students. No less is this in a city with many changes through returns to conglomerate metalworking thousands of workers (as well as in other branches such as food). A old activist told us that this fight reminded him of the lead that came with the "secular and free" in 1958 that even today those schools were "concerning", so were in that fight and came away largely generation, ten years later, military term in the different variants of the radical left after Cordobazo.

Start a discussion on the strategic outlook of this new youth (who want to co-opt national K - to be seen ... but not in these lands seem to have much "predicament") is the task more interesting for those who while accompanied with all our forces as they struggle. But at the same time understanding the urgency of discussing the need for a political organization of youth with the working class, on the basis of the balance of 70, be prepared for new Cordobazo, with the ambition of this time it succeed.