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Althusser, Artemio, the State and the Theory

Can You Use Almay With Rosacea

year-end Balance

BEST INDEPENDENT THEATER 2010 ... by The Office Critical

step below list some productions, directors and artists with their own light shone in the year 2010 , away from the scenery and the pompous productions. The independent theater - alternative - non-commercial use is still valid, thanks to the courageous and sacrificial work of notable architects of unforgettable performances. Here's the list including "Best of the Theatre", which reached this server to enjoy this year:

BEST ACTRESS

A performer who has improved greatly as the years pass, surpassing themselves same for each installation involved, and devoted himself to promoting the performing arts in the space given.



Best Supporting Actress: ARROYO XIMENA
by Cacúmenes and Loves of Don Perlimplín Belisa in his garden.

honorable mentions:
also called attention this year the tenderness and fragility of NATALYD ALTAMIRANO in the eternal memory of a crystal, the remarkable record for comedy JACQUI October Chuquillanqui in Paradise and black, and the power and precision Betzabeth it in kind.

ACTOR

is always nice to appreciate (and in this case, rediscover) a great actor, while displaying all his talent on stage two characters hilarious anthology, and is one of the most unsuccessful year assemblies.



Best Supporting Actor: GEORGE
DAFIENO by Reality Lima Pipol

Chou 2010 Honorable Mentions:
To highlight the male cast of Lock Out (SANDRO LA TORRE, RAUL DURAND, RENZO GARCIA, ALEX JAVIER GUERRERO and MORI), wasting energy and vitality in an intense working together; NELSON TAFUR using all the possibilities offered by playing a villain par excellence, as it was Iago, in October black; and ENRIQUE VICTORIA, applying the whole office and experience gained over decades in sympathetic roles in Cacúmenes and Appetite in the enchanted forest.


Best Actress for theater
Restored some years ago, this veteran actress showing everything he learned in his long career, an excellent comedy written by his daughter and giving precise replica of a huge comic actress.




Actress ELVIRA DE LA PUENTE by Faith Lessons

Honorable Mentions:
Energetic and convincing Gabriel Fernandez in the orgy, friendly and versatile, in ORTEGA ELVIRA What then compadre Zorro?, And finally, hilarious, outstanding, Haydee Caceres Lessons of faith.

BEST ACTOR

An actor does not necessarily excel in complex dense dramas or tragedies, you can do in kind for the whole family comedies, playing funny characters. If this is the actor, who is always compelling and flawless in everything he does.



Best Actor
RAUL DURAND by Lobo What are you doing?

honorable mentions: SERGIO
OTA, its fun and risky repressed gay role in the forbidden apple, MIGUEL ANGEL Malpartida, for his energy and effort in The Murderers, and GERMÁN "Manchi" RAMIREZ, for their unbeatable skills for comedy and improvisation to Please a clown and the magic trunk.

BEST DIRECTOR

At this point we can say without a doubt, that no assembly of this director could leave us indifferent. Always offers us a while now, shows a clean, organized and leveraged players.



Best Director: CARLOS ACOSTA
by lessons of faith and the forbidden apple

Honorable Mentions:
The excellent work of adaptation and stage direction by CARLOS LA ROSA Lock Out, the precision and fluidity of Species DIEGO LA HOZ, and the pleasant and welcome anarchy "claunesca" Please WALTER CHULLO in a clown and the magic trunk.

BEST WORK

A Peruvian author, recognized for their extraordinary and compelling poems and stories, is reassessed in great shape as a playwright in an extraordinary assembly, in which shone a great acting job, orchestrated by a promising young director.



best work: LOCK OUT
Cesar Vallejo

Honorable Mentions:
SPECIES, carefully written text and the group Sara Joffré Clearance; LESSONS OF FAITH great comedy from the pen of Claudia Sacha, and serves a clown, hilarious claun key experiment created by Walter Chullo.

Thank you all for your votes and support to this humble blog. The independent theater is more alive than ever. For you.

Merry Christmas and Happy New Year!

Sergio Velarde
December 20, 2010

Lic Mony Plus 180 What Can I Do

"Cordoba is moving ..." (Notes on the political scene Mediterranean)

National and Popular

The week was moved to the Learned. The adoption of the new Reform Provincial Education Act, amid repression and arrested , opened a political crisis local Peronist with the national government and showed the contradictions that have the intent of "kirchnerizar" to Peronism Cordoba and Schiaretti. And most utopian toad still adorn the Gallego De la Sota.

However, this crisis brought to light the contradictions and changes in political situation of the province, which have been developing for some time.

The emergence of young high school this year, questioning the interference of the companies and the attempt to introduce religion in education, preceded by a large diversity movement that moved the adoption of equal marriage law showed that "egalitarian aspirations" that travel to Argentina after 2001 arrived or rather began to speak in the streets of Córdoba, where in 2001 as a milestone of popular mobilization was not so relevant in Buenos Aires. These egalitarian aspirations and believes that Kirchner wants to believe they are a "self-creation" are really deep legacy of the revolutionary days of 2001 , the Kirchner (and growth) achieved passivated, but not settled. The movement of the homeless, was the arrival on the scene of one of the most neglected sectors of the working class. Introducing a totally salutary factor in the "pax" under the government of Cristina Kirchner sought to establish the joint force controlled for white workers, social pact, crumbs eaten by inflation with a large dose AUH and artists "committed "(ie olfas) and waaaay 678. Subcontracted workers who were in the concourse, opened the door to even further down: indigenous peoples to land and call for the urban poor who require housing. The first responses were "duhaldista" killings of members of the community Qom in Formosa and immigrant youth in American Indian Park. Many militants

K. realized that the "model" reaches for the few and the passivity that remained for a long time these sectors, the most exploited among the exploited, you start to finish. Suburbs or Manolo B ., Who admire and banks to mayors, according to them by the particular "merit" to keep at bay those most disadvantaged sectors will have to start thinking about new arguments, because these "Problem solvers" (as they call "Peronist" to the defectors from the mayors) julep stuck a barbarian with the possibility of extension of the shots, as well as have here.

But back to Cordoba, the interesting thing is: what for the government of Cristina means a clear "right turn" (to agree with De la Sota, Boudou Capital, IMF), Cordoba for the Peronist the need ally with the national government as a way of sucking the unity of Peronism, as well as continue to receive resources for campaign work, means a movement (or some movements) clockwise otherwise. (Note for the sects we know, are two bourgeois governments, the question is to think what are the specific differences that can be exploited by those below, as was the vote of the Education Act).

The question that was made from the same government repression, leading to open an investigation and in record time the release of prisoners, imposed by the mobilization, but where's lawyers also declined HR agencies K. are made fairly new in Córdoba.

Our hypothesis is that the top (by the mutual needs of national and provincial government) and below, by the emergency youth and other "actors", Córdoba is changing. The reign of "neoliberalism Menem (who imposed all governments, whatever the political sign) and crossed to all institutions: parties, trade unions, to the same university and even large sectors of society, you start hitting a Córdoba in which there are elements of Argentina after 2001. In the electoral context that opens, this can lead to court, but our analysis seeks to go further in changing ideological, cultural, political and even generations, of those who take notice, to define a strategic revolutionary project. ;

spoken of a possible unification of the CGT, is attached to Dragún (SMATA) with Leyria (Luz y Fuerza), under the auspices of Moyano, this is a major change in a guild (SMATA) that "educated" to their base on the idea that Light and Power are the "left-handed." Blows to the national Church, have a greater relevance in the "Córdoba of the bells" and not only was questioned during the discussion on equal marriage, then thousands of students chanted for months on the streets "outside the church our desks. " The loss of authority of this institution in a province where you have (had) a specific gravity greater, must be seen also as a sign of these times.

's win list unresponsive bureaucracy and references of the class left in the election of delegates VW body, some say also on the assumption that we want to test.

'll see if the hypothesis is confirmed and settle these contradictions. In the case of approval of the Education Act broke openly. Obviously, this all makes sense if and only if the "bottom" know how to make these contradictions to denounce the whole scheme, their governments and the interests they defend and propose a bold political project. Our modest contribution, we believe it was very important nowadays. Expressed this time brave fellow who not only showed endurance, but above all, political acumen to convert the spot won the fight, on a platform to denounce the repression of some and the complicity of others. The law was passed with votes schiarettistas and Kirchner, where McCarthy's speech against the mobilization of students ("minority groups") did a representative K., thereby justifying repression. This left "treading air" (if not otherwise) to the center K: local political representatives supported the bill, its grassroots organizations are torn between going or not going to release the were arrested and dangerous "prisoners" (not Harnessed), but the political alliances his political boss intended to Cordoba. And not for nothing was the recognition by many of the consistent attitude of the protesters, including the most serious on the left.

paraphrase, the inability to start up and down to not wanting , and this opens the possibility of seizures with opportunities to emerge more strongly a political alternative independent of the working class and popular sectors.

Vermont Snow Tubing Killington

Cristinas kirchnerismo upper stage (or the continuation of Kirchner, but other "media")

The dangerous drug

Schoklender denouncing

Bewildered militants and supporters of Kirchner are wondering what's up?. Jorge Julio Lopez was a work of the right, Mariano Ferreyra was wrong but ... ( "left it looking a little" was the reasoning of many), yet failed to explain Formosa ( "ruled INADI, maybe we can win without Insfran ... ") and it explodes repression and killings of young people who can not even get to the" basement of the Motherland "because this country does not allow them to step on any ground. Unemployed and certainly most precarious workers, seeking a land where to build a ranch, because the "rent" paid on the other village had become very expensive.

Metropolitan in command of the "right" and friedrichs under the command of "progressive ricotero and" Hannibal, were responsible for letting it clear that the model "national and popular" after 8 years of record growth, redistribution has already been done and they did not reach. Nor for 40% of the working class who works in black or in precarious conditions, nor for those who have jobs stable but inflation eats his salary. And when the redistribution is not enough, the bullets start.

The "legacy of Nestor" (the alleged non-enforcement), one of the last flags raised K militants, crumbles in a matter of weeks. Not that we eat the story that there was no repression even Kirchner (Kraft!), but here are a leap in quality. And how do you explain? Since K scribes are a bit puzzled, we test an explanation.

The government of Nestor Kirchner, Duhalde proposed, came to try to re-institutionalize the crisis of 2001 and with the help of the economy, duhaldista devaluation based partly succeeded. The policy "symbolic" of human rights, changes in the Court and other very limited gestures trying to answer from above all that the 2001 questioned from below. The "matrix" based on the economic gains lost by the working class from Dictatorship to this part, through the nineties: precariousness, flexibility, outsourcing, high prices and masazo conmodities devaluation. None of this changed in substance.

Before the death of NK, is beginning to manifest in order to cycle, both politically and economically (although sin grave crisis todavía, por las condiciones internacionales): la inflación, la salida a la superficie de los "tercerizados", trabajadores pobres y sin derechos, eran algunas de las expresiones de esto. El veto del 82% móvil mostró abiertamente los límites. La posible candidatura de Scioli como la "esperanza blanca" de continuidad del kirchnerismo, era otra de sus manifestaciones.

La muerte de NK fue un hecho político y el operativo para convertirlo en un "mito", le dio resultados coyunturales y mejoró la imagen de CFK. El aparato pejotista que venía alejándose consideró que la mejor táctica era cambiarle el contenido "desde adentro" y la verdad es que le está yendo quite well. CFK then gave concrete form to the "deepening of the model" (which had begun insisting on NK life, to whom death saved him have to continue this "work").

Deepening rely essentially meant "pejotismo" and the union bureaucracy, which the cultural left would make palatable (with Artemio Lopez, a specialist in passing "snitches" for hares, as long as 40%) and "vocation majority" came to justify De la Sota, cover up and hold Insfrán Pedraza, against which no one spoke, much less acted. Now two deaths in a repression carried out by the force commanded by Hannibal "a whole stick" Fernández. Moral

for "utopian" center Kirchner: if we sow Hannibal (Scioli and Boudou even before) + mayors "mazorqueros" + + union bureaucracy incorporation + De la Sota and Insfrán Schiaretti + + back to the IMF, reap DUHALDE pure and simple. " Although "tack" the protagonist is not now felt that they were stealing his script and speaking out and redouble the bet.

K Will try thinking center-left or left as official statements by a shiny new spokesman Sergio Schocklender, that says everything is a conspiracy of criminals and drug dealers and, of course, the trotsko?

I'm In Agony Following Meniscus Repair

The "new" bourgeois victims (or even conceal the class character of genocide)

We had seen some time here , when the government launched its "media blitz" about the case Clarín Newsprint began circulating elements for a new story on the causes and consequences of genocide. Recently we saw question is resumed, all from a publication of "multimedia" official. There is no doubt that is an ideological-political line down from the government, which also created a special unit to investigate "crimes against humanity in economically motivated" . Should we understand this attempt at a new hegemonic narrative about the dictatorship, as part of rotation CFK right that has been carrying out fast?.

The goal is simple: completely erase the class character of genocide . Or even more, argue that the dictatorship was not "only" against workers, students and popular sectors, but included among the victims of many capitalists to whom they were expropriated their business. They speak of a number will surpass 600. So pompously announced that " A new stage begins in the process of memory, truth and justice in Argentina. Under Secretary for Human Rights Protection, Luis Alen " The dictatorship had a clear objective: to establish a defined economic model for which it was necessary to discipline a population through terror. While such repression is focused on progressive activism, also affected many business . "
subtly use the same speech that was based on several trials genocidal character, or rather, that the crimes committed by the military were "in the context of genocide." This was a breakthrough, which cleverly managed to incorporate human rights lawyers (especially Ceprodh and Justice Now!) To impose higher sentences on the few military courts. But as bourgeois legislation, national or international law is unclear, and could not ever clear the true character or class of genocide, now I intend to use to impose their class conciliation content to a new rewrite of that part of history.
A Wikipedian definition (but I think in general right) said " means genocide any acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group as such with a particular purpose. These acts include death and injury to physical or moral integrity of members of the group, killing or taking measures to prevent births within the group. With these basics more or less could be framed within the figure of genocide, the conviction of Etchecolatz for example. But "laclausianos" Kirchner found this to be an "empty signifier" and that within the "national group", when all evidence shows that predominates overwhelmingly working class, try to incorporate new sectors of the bourgeoisie (nothing more and nothing less than 600) among those who suffered the genocide.

Thus, the dictatorship would have been the tool of a reactionary bloc : financial capital, some multinational companies, the "oligarchy" that would come to settle a "historical bloc" progressive : the working class, progressive intellectuals, the popular sectors, which now amount to a "mythical" national "bourgeoisie? also was a victim, all to impose a new economic model.

Famous national bourgeoisie "progressive" who come looking for since the very birth of Argentine capitalism, as Stalinists, Maoists, as Peronist all colors, always have a problem "missed appointment" when the call desperately in times of revolution and counter, for now it would have been "liquidated" by the dictatorship and as much a victim as the working class and popular sectors.

This new story Stalin-but-Kirchner, is less credible at this point in the new century and after over 200 year history of the national bourgeoisie actually exists.

had already analyzed here the "stories" that were imposed from dictatorship to this part: first, the story itself of the murderers and their legitimate war against subversion second theory of two evils Alfonsin, third to claim a heroic militant generation, but one hundred percent wrong, and finally, what we called the "fourth story" that gets the shaft in the class character of the genocide that came to a huge stop upgrade worker who questioned the very foundations of capitalism and his regime. The facts and the goals that were imposed repressors show that the latter is the interpretation that explains the background of the causes and consequences of the dictatorship.

The "Kirchner of origins" and its base, the co-opted human rights organizations and some progressive intellectuals and nac & pop, have generally adopted the arguments of the third story. In response, the books of Ceferino Reato (Operation Traviata "and the recent" Operation Scoop ") attempt to revive the second story, even coming very close to first.

For the government and its scribes had hitherto heard only praise for the "wonderful young people", then came the "operative flushing of face "of the new armed forces and now it seems I add a" heroic bourgeoisie. "Missing that 678 starts to show life history of bourgeois patriots who made silver laburando his life" for some bad military come to rob them of everything (and in part was made of Graiver).
Veintitres In the same journal, Alen confesses that " While many of the victims had already made their claim against former President Raul Alfonsin were compensated , Alen makes a difference: "One thing is the equity issue and a criminal's face. We investigated the latter: the criminal responsibility of the dictatorship with economic purpose ". That is, first these "good fellow" bourgeois did not go to the Plaza with the Mothers to demand justice, but to see the late Alfonso sleeve twine and second, the government according to his spokesman Alen, wants to use this with a political and ideological purpose.
History has judged and harshly to those who dreamed of a revolution in military hand bourgeois nationalists and liberals. This story of class conciliation "backwards", that is intended to victimize some good bourgeoisie expropriated by capitalists and military bad, is not just another story Chinese.
do not deny that in the war against the working class, the military and the bourgeoisie have had problems in its "front" and some took advantage of a state power to do business and even individuals have been victims bourgeois. But if the third story hid working insurgency against the preparation of the coup, the new aims to make it "disappear", throwing populist land - on the necessary bourgeois historical truth.
comes very well remember the phrase that one of the most heroic martyrs who had the international working class, spat in the face of the court to condemn to death for defending the rights of the working class: "I do not capitalists individual combat, to combat the system that gives the privilege. My most ardent desire is that workers know who its enemies are and who their friends . Everything else deserves my contempt (...) "

Silvercity Birthday Party Brampton

El Indio Solari and "Twilight of the Idols"

(I take leave and leave aside the general issues discussed in the blog, for a" catharsis "personal)

The interview last the Indian Pergolini the program added a new "disappointment" to many ricotero.

As I was telling a friend in the nineties, the ritual of belonging to this urban tribe that followed Patrick Rey and Ricotta Redonditos somehow became a "foxhole strength" cultural conservative in full restoration (postmodernism and neoliberalism in the world and Creole version of the Menem)

personally belong to the generation that never saw the most intimate shows of "Round and Ballet, with the monologues of Henry Syms, the performance of the" Bay Biscuits "(including Faithfull Marianne) and Monona Blues and the famous ricotta redonditos sharing among the public. For those who entered the "tribe" in the nineties this was already part of the "myth" of a golden age, always better than that touched us. Puteábamos against that bloody dictatorship of our era and that prevented us from seeing Luca and Sumo, and it was not a "true round" while those who do not worship Luca Prodan (in the same way that, even then, I hated to Petinato, "the journalist who is dying to play" ) . But hey, if we follow the same logic, we saw not comforted, Morrison, and Janis and Jimi Hendrix and the great, or a. .. then this is what we are and "patriots of our time."

those years also had their mystique ... The first works in the early nineties, the microstage of Lanús, the 40 thousand people in the Municipal Exhibition Center (if there was "the world's largest pogo) to Hurricane, Racing .... until I came here.
Without internet, sms or massive as today, first was a version "che again say they do works" and after confirmation in a radio program and had to start collecting coins so that in the case of funds that we lived in the metropolitan area, a delegation "trip to the Capital" and get the tickets. Rent the buses, painting the flags and try to go without a ride or you stick the cane and the challenge to overcome (in number or Flag) to the "gang of Aldo Bonzi" mission impossible, by dint of sheer creativity people and had become (at least at the time) in a "barra brava" of the round.

And to alleviate the wait until the new "ritual" to intercalábamos Divididos Las Pelotas or weekends in Theatre Cement Arpeggios or bass (where the hell out of Chabán began planting the future Cromagnon), Harlequins and other places that do not remember their names now, and every now and not ruled Memphis o Misissipi.

But the matter did not end there, the other part of the time was busy digging in record stores or friends and acquaintances to get any of the recorded live (Palladium of 85, the Horse of the Sun of 8? "), they buy a TDK guaranteeing" quality ", record and copy in color the cap" original. " There we discovered the unpublished (My genius Love, The Return of Mao, from these powders, slurries and my preferred future Roxana Porchelana or Bee Rock ). We were also looking like gold interviews Floor 93, the only radio program that gave notes. In my case (and I suppose many kids in the suburbs) the rounds were a sort of gateway to critical thinking. Discussions to "philosophical" about the meaning of thought-provoking lyrics and that in part I owe it to the round and some rock culture in general. Very different and of course with much more space than the culture that "condemns" the suburbs for most of the kids (cumbia villera, Tinelli and the People's Daily), culture today is "aestheticized" by some Peronist intellectuals as the ultimate expression of "poor urban core."
And all that "militancy" ricotero had his reasons, not just playing the best rock, but they were rebels. Independence was his trademark and the poetry of the lyrics was no rebellion, whether against bourgeois morality and condemnation of drugs and the institutions of the "system." And all this done with the best rock and role. That was the covenant, that was what they expressed rounds of youth and youth want that the round.
Walter's death on that fateful April 91 and particularly the disproportionate reaction of the band before the murder, was a first turning point, a shadow over the idols. The Syms acid always told him bluntly: "Indian, killed one guest of yours in your door and you did not do anything" . And we hated the lumpen Syms, but became more difficult to defend the Indians (except the "head trash" that there is and many) and we knew there was some truth to that accusation lapidary Today we see the Indian
saying he spoke with "Hannibal" because it is a ricotero par excellence and he is happy with Cristina's speeches at the UN, just days after allies who support this government have been killed Mariano Ferreyra and two members of the community Qom in Formosa.
Our reading of "All a stick", "Everything is political prisoner" or "October Fires" was not just that.
believe that the attraction or the taste for expressing an aesthetic work is not directly connected with the political stances of the artist, the work can be "revolutionary" or high "expression of his age" or even advance the future, although the artist's individual political positions are of the most reactionary (Borges is perhaps the most complete example of this "contradiction"). But in the case of rounding, the rebellion was part of the "covenant" and the art of rock and role, no doubt, the best that gave this country was crossed by the call for resistance and a clear political position before the system.
But beyond the artist, as I believe that in this case, almost becomes independent of his work (or the best of his work), does not deny the character of the work was (and is). Patricio Rey and Ricotta Redonditos expressed a time or young people who wanted "survive" to a time of poverty and cultural shallowness. So we let the Indian "tweeted" with Anibal, mind Nestor and Cristina celebrates ... We can still enjoy Ji, Ji, Ji and continue to encourage the "Fires of October."

Does Brazilian Waxing Causes Warts

union bureaucracy and "dependency" of class (enemy)

Dragun (SMATA) Santesteban (Trial), Leyría (LyF)

read today Kempa a note with a fairly complete picture "for who they are playing" unions in elections next year in Cordoba and nationally. The majority supports the "Gallego" De la Sota and his return from the hand of CFK. From delasotistas "black mouth" as Pihen (state) or Dragun (mechanical) through Morcillo (power) and banking, until "Kirchner" ready to eat the frog as Leyría (Luz y Fuerza) or Nebreda-Monserrate ( teachers). Augusto Varas of the UOM and Daniele (municipal) court support and color grade gives Irina Santesteban (trial), an ex-leftist "supporter of the national Kirchner and Cordoba said ... the most" friendly "is Judge. Based
For some unions, like teachers or Luz y Fuerza, which had to face De la Sota, it will be hard to swallow this support from their leaders to "Gallego" and a sign of how far they can go to defend the "model."
De set is a sampling of the alliance of the entire union leadership to completely unrelated projects and against workers.
These same leaders are accusing the delegates that the basic question of "politics." In this they differ juecistas or delasotistas , who expelled delegates McCarthyite accusations against "lefties."
More generally it is sincerely use these union bureaucrats to denounce before the entire support workers to employers match that never benefited the working class. But also open the discussion on the legitimacy of politics, but its own policy of the working class, to break the dependence on the unions clearly bourgeois project. Some do not take the trouble to "disguise" of progressives, as the same De la Sota. While this exposes the project to "national and popular" pejotismo is supported by the murderer as in Formosa, in the neoliberal Menem (De la Sota) or right-wing trade union bureaucracy (or Dragún Pedraza). While the children and the agencies do acts "symbolic" in the Plaza San Martin, Peronism "pure and simple" (and against workers Jack was and is a "hard") is prepared to try to return to power backed by the most rotten of the union bureaucracy (including the "liberal" Light and Power).

Moh Exam Mcqs Dentistry

union bureaucracy, or the working class has the leadership it deserves? Good news

The "good news" , we had occupied these days re-weighing the interesting picture that opens to the advanced workers of Cordoba and defining how to give rise to responsibilities.

With a little more time, we turn to an issue we are addressing in this blog since its "birth": the union bureaucracy (and its inevitable connection with Peronism). This time, discussing not only with its fanatical defenders, but with some left-wing intelligentsia. And do not write for several days, we have been "overloaded" and we did a post a little long ...

We were privileged to receive a dossier that will forward to the next no. 7 of the magazine El Nuevo Topo, with the axis position to discuss precisely the union bureaucracy. Más130 are pages with articles by various authors (including our colleague Paula Varela) who analyze, in general from Marxism, the concept of union bureaucracy, the "complexity", its genesis, its representative or not, and some possible overcoming it. Very interesting analysis going back to Marx and Engels and their contributions to the union issue, via Gramsci, especially in his "moment advice", Trotsky and his contribution to the union-state, to classics scholars of trade unionism as Hyman and Daniel James.

are not lacking among many of the intellectuals who write about the issue, the advice and criticism of "the left" (and, in general) and his ideas on bureaucracy and its practice in the labor movement. We must recognize that these criticisms and advice are more "healthy" that we receive during the 90 and several years of 2000, when we called to set aside ancient and outdated that speech of "working class", who had disappeared or is was diluted in new subjects (especially materials and "soft") of the new information society and the Empire with its biopower, which had surpassed the company's Capital for something new post-industrial, post-historical, is ie, post-modern.

But "the executioner (and even defeated invisibilzado) remained on the threshold" and reappeared with everything, and with it the new-old classic discussions on the ways of their emancipation.

However, the first problem is that in his criticism of "left", these intellectuals, rather than discuss his theory and actual practice, build their own prejudices and are stuck to a "left" and then "refute". Myths about alleged beliefs and practices that have little or no foundation in reality or at best apply to sects that have never done anything serious in the labor movement.

worst thing is that the political and ideological background of these criticism, the most dangerous result is that several of them can lead to base (and justify?) "to left" the existence of the union bureaucracy. We will try to systematize these myths and explain controversially in several posts, both from theory and practice where we stand the problem (or try to approach it.)

Here we will discuss with the myth that left believes there is an opposition and a permanent tension between the rules and directions, with bases all the time pushing the fight and that the slow directions. According to this view, the left would be in the working class a subject "ontologically" revolutionary.

Troska In the jargon this is known as "the theory of 180 degrees", ie the bases are always 180 ° opposite to directions. For multiple authors of the dossier, this is THE problem of "left" and this is expressed (all quotations from the NT kit)

"So it was paying and consolidating a strong sense of left , union democracy whose slogan was applied to the leaders union to which they saw as barrage of workers bases perennially democratic, militant and revolutionary . " (Introducción. Towards a debate on the concept of union bureaucracy)

" Much of the left in Argentina been used very loosely in the category of union bureaucracy in their analysis of the working class. It has built a distorted image of a leadership always opposite to generate processes of struggle and constantly faced with bases would be willing to fight and to radicalize the process " (Gonzalo Perez Alvarez. Returning to an old debate: bases, address, trade unions and labor strategies)

"To think that the problem is reduced to the union leadership expressed a serious misunderstanding. Assume that the difficulties of the working class in Argentina to build an alternative to capitalism is limited to need to "end the union bureaucracy" or of bringing a "new democratic leadership "is not beyond the bounds of trade unionism. Is another expression of the problem is more serious and makes the 83-class consciousness, which is reflected in these positions of the largest left-wing currents in our country ". (Gonzalo Pérez Alvarez op.cit. .)

Without ruling that fools are everywhere (even among the Trotskyist left), this is not far from our conception (and at least we are among one of the "left most numerous streams of our country ").

The state of the economy (including certain branches), the recent and historical experience, both as a political union, defeats or triumphs, ideology or "consciousness" set, along with many other elements, the situation or face of the "bases", which we have called the subjectivity and its relation to this framework addresses. Where the very existence of this "super" call union bureaucracy is a key element that acts permanently and not just in times of struggle on the basis partly shaping their subjectivity. And where you also have to have their material, as the divisions imposed in recent years, guaranteed by the bureaucracy as well described by Paula V. in his note. Ghigliani and Belkin (two of the authors of the dossier) rescue some of this element and separated from what he calls the vision "orthodox" ( bases facing the directions provided ) and vision "revisionist", arguably inaugurated by D. James ( "there is some complementarity between databases and addresses, and dichotomy not only).

claim," In this short essay will explore the following hypothesis: that the separate report setting out the orthodox analysis between leaders and bases, showing the relative representation of the first and criticize essentialism the premise that usually leave, that is, the ontologically revolutionary character of the working class is a first step, no doubt important, but insufficient. Is insufficient, one hand, because runs the risk of turning into a justification
addresses complacent actively militate against the construction of workers' power "Bureaucracy association: insights for a discussion in the making. Pablo Alejandro Ghigliani and Belkin.
There are moments of greater trends mobilization and confrontation, for example in the crisis, when the Capital is to download on the working class or by some recovery of objective forces that lead to increased aspirations and go for more and are in the bureaucracy is a limit ..

The central question for us is that capital (and more in this time of historic crisis) has to enter recurring crisis and to seek their "solution" in new forms of appropriation of surplus value, attacking the working class. At this time the interests of the union bureaucracy and its action, tend to open confrontation with the foundation or the whole class. And this is inseparable from the political orientation of the bureaucracy, both determined and fed back its privileged location, ie its reform program in general . The reformist bureaucracy, which is intended to "set limits", "moderate" to the Capital, but not abolish it, always ends side of capital against the working class when he is forced to smash it to "save" their social and political. Trotsky posed to Britain an element that is applicable (and even more so!) For a semi-colonial country like Argentina, which is experiencing a period of "end of cycle": "The decline of British capitalism, within the framework of the decline the world capitalist system, work undermined the foundations of reform union. Capitalism can only be maintained by lowering the standard of living of the working class. Under these conditions, unions can either be transformed into revolutionary organizations or become auxiliaries of capital in the increased exploitation of workers. The union bureaucracy, which successfully resolved their own social problems, took the second path. Turned all the power gained by the unions against the socialist revolution and even against any attempt by workers to resist the attacks of capital and the reaction . " Leon Trotsky" Unions in Britain "(1933 ) on About the unions.

This is not to say that between crisis and mediate crisis moments, sometimes long (especially if the previous cycle ended with big losses) in growth and relatively "smooth" the Capital (as in recent years Argentina, based on a terrible attack on the wage to the devaluation, among other issues). But even during these moments (which are preparatory to the Marxists), and may be the most "complementarity" between databases and addresses, everything is very limited. In sub-sectors, in some branches (which Paula Varela calls "kind of labor aristocracy") may find some support from the foundation to their directions, but in no way taking the whole working class and even in those sectors, the "honeymoon" ends where the crisis begins. Passivity or "no question" generalized union bureaucracies say LT or "tolerance" of the working class to their directions (taking into account the "detail" of these bureaucracies accumulate power, protected by the state and employers to "cooperate" and work together to pursue those questions) are to be found in the divisions imposed (and guaranteed by the reformist leaderships), based on previous losses that make it difficult to "revolutionary unity of the working class." As we are far from the vision of a working class "ontologically revolutionary" we said here alongside LT "The proletariat embodies a powerful social unit in acute period of revolutionary struggle unfolds so full to achieve the objectives of the class as a whole. But within this unit is a remarkable diversity , would even say that a disparity negligible. Among the ignorant and illiterate pastor and the mechanic there are a number of cultures and levels of skills and adapt to daily life. Each layer, each guild, each group is ultimately composed of living beings other than age and temperament, each of whom has a past different. If such diversity does not exist, the Communist Party's work for the unification and education of the proletariat would be easy . However, how difficult is this task, as we see in Western Europe! Arguably, the richer is the story of a country, and therefore their working class history: the more education, tradition and ability to buy, the former group is more difficult to contain and turn it into revolutionary unity (...) " ( Leon Trotsky "policy not only does man live" - \u200b\u200b1923)

Now, as is false is true that the "theory of the 180 º" no less false is totally against that theory may be summarized as "the bases have the addresses they deserve", which was crudely expressed here a fool who tries to take the title of "intellectual" (a disciple of "more bitter man the world "). And back to the master LT treatment given to this question in class, Party and Address: "There is an old saying that reflects the evolutionary and liberal conception of history: a people gets the government it deserves. History shows us however, that one and the same people can have during a relatively short period, different governments (Russia, Italy, Germany, Spain, etc.) and also that the order in which they occur is not always the same direction, from despotism to freedom, as liberals believe evolutionists. The secret of this state of affairs is that a people is composed of hostile classes and that these same classes are made up of different layers, partially opposite each other and have different orientations. Furthermore, all people are influenced by other peoples, each made up of classes. Governments are not the expression of "maturity" ever increasing "people", but the product of the struggle between different classes and different layers within one and the same class and also the action of external forces alliances, conflicts, wars, etc. . We should add that a government, from the time set, may last much longer than the balance of power which has been the product. It is from these historical contradictions that occur revolutions, coups, the counterrevolutionaries. The same dialectic method should be used to address the issue of the direction of a class. As liberals, our sages tacitly admit the axiom that every class has address deserves. In fact, the address is not at all, the "simple reflection" of a class or the product of his own creative power . An address is formed in the course of clashes between different classes or friction between different layers within a particular class. But as soon as it appears, the direction inevitably rises above the class and this fact risks the pressure and the influence of other classes . The proletariat can "tolerate" for quite some time to an address that has just undergone a total internal degeneration, but has not had the opportunity to manifest in the course of great events. need is a big shock to reveal historical acutely l a contradiction between address and class. powerful historical shocks are wars and revolutions. For this reason the working class is often caught by surprise by war and revolution . But even if the old address has revealed its own internal corruption, l a class can not immediately improvise a new direction, especially if it has inherited from the previous period strong revolutionary cadres able to take advantage of the collapse of the old ruling party. Marxist interpretation, ie dialectic and not scholastic, the relationship between a class and its leadership leaves no stone unturned legalistic sophistry of our author. "Leon Trotsky" Class, Party, Directorate

Without roundly criticized reformist direction, ie the union bureaucracy and no work on the advanced sectors of the working class to defeat it, no chance to form such "revolutionary cadres solid", to prepare (as a whole class of "tolerate" their corrupt way) for the moments of rupture or revolution.

Will it continue? ...

Writing A Letter Of Reconsideration For Apartment

Omar Dragún - Sec Gral SMATA - Córdoba

LAST TIME - ELECTION OF DELEGATES TO BODY

Defeat of the bureaucracy in Volkswagen de Córdoba

(La Verdad Workers - No. 401) As this book was the count of the election body of delegates at the Volkswagen factory in Cordoba. An extensive list of independent representatives of the bureaucracy, which includes sectors combative, defeated by a wide margin (830 votes to 620) to the list who responded to the bureaucracy of Miranda and Omar Dragun. Thus, the new body of delegates from 18 members is composed entirely of representatives of the opposition.

The winning list exceeded maneuvers bureaucratic leadership wanted to change the historical form of election of delegates by sector and calling in a very short time, a choice list "sheet", ie the winning list is left with the whole body of delegates. The leadership of SMATA wanted to get rid of opposition delegates and especially the militant sectors, which had been gaining among workers. The play "all or nothing" of the bureaucracy he went very wrong: his list was swept and was left without representatives in the new body of delegates.

is a win against a leadership that has been questioned since the great struggle of contracted and Gestamp Iveco (2009) led by Hernán Puddu delegate, who was expelled by a Congress SMATA trout and is now pursued by the company and is fighting for his reinstatement. This leadership also was divorced, when delegates will respond cowardly attacked the officer Sergio Folchieri last year.

is an important step and a responsibility of the new body of delegates, for the entire workforce SMAT, on the way to recover the workers' organizations at the hands of leaders as pro Dragún employers and company and to put truly at the service of the struggle of workers.

Sore Throat Hard To Swallow No Other Symptoms

The "bourgeoise in flames," Peronism and the working class "deployment or retraction? (A response to Manolo B.)

" When the bourgeoisie waiver knowingly and obstinately to resolve problems arising from the crisis of bourgeois society guese, when the proletariat is not yet ready to take on this task are the students who occupy the proscenium. In developing the first Russian revolution, we have observed this phenomenon more than once, this phenomenon has always been for us a huge significance symptomatic. This activity or semi-revolutionary, bourgeois society means that the deep crisis. Petty youth, feeling that an explosive force builds up in the masses, tends to find your way exit this quagmire and further promote the political development ".

L. Trotsky, Letter to the editor of Counter. June 13, 1930

Manolo B. d ice that mobilizations of thousands of students we saw in London is an expression (some more) of the "ideological bankruptcy of the really existing hegemony." And the crisis of globalization (which is not the final crisis of capitalism, makes it clear), devices resistance moved or are moving to the organizations 'labor aristocracy', no more the unemployed or the MMSS. Said that, as in 20/30, the Popular Front or Frente Class is what is being discussed (as if we had not seen where they ended the Popular Front in Spain and France, to name a few)

And " confesses: " The P're trying to add to anyone who wants to add, because" we believe "we are in full retreat since 2007, due to the international situation."

agreed that "although there is broad space of divergence in the analysis, we can agree on several of the "symptoms" :

1/La "ideological bankruptcy" is a product of the "crisis of globalization", which is the crisis of capitalism if the "Final" or not depends on the class struggle and who "impose the political line", as stated here do not believe in any automation and catastrophism objectivist and as explained LT "The capitalist equilibrium is a complicated phenomenon, the capitalist system constructs that balance, break it, rebuild it and breaks it again, widening, by the way, the limits of their domain. In the economic sphere, these constant disruptions and restorations of equilibrium take the form of crises and booms. In the sphere of relations between classes, the imbalance is to strikes, lock-outs, in revolutionary struggle. In the sphere of relations between states, the imbalance is war, or, more insidiously, war of tariffs, economic warfare and blockade . Then capitalism has a dynamic equilibrium, which is always in the process of rupture and restoration. At the same time, such a balance has great resistance force, the best evidence we have of her is that there is still a capitalist world "

2 / We agree that national governments and their" dominant minorities "are discussing strategies that may include the suppression , a trade war and the setting. The point is the results and if their actions do not produce more seizures and other types of breach of "balance" in the context of a weakness of all the types of reforms (including P, = ). But see France " Will of majority of workers and youth to say enough, if not pass the pension reform, (first of a series of reforms and attacks that involve a qualitative leap in the worsening conditions of life) has changed the air of these times. This change is deep and is difficult to dissolve with the end of this stage which may show that Sarkozy has won, but at what cost! ". The cabinet reshuffle (made the weekend!) By removing all Fillon beginning and then replacing them all, starting with Fillon, are symptomatic of a certain disorientation.

"Now, that P. since 2007 are trying to add to whatever comes because are in "retreat" (here joined a bean with a "heavy duty" of those, the Gallego de la Sota), does what the working class is in retreat?. The triumph of the Rock (these are not just "labor aristocracy") and made "against" the union bureaucracy has no smell "retreat." For us, the outsourcing of the Rock are part of a process that begins with the recovery of gymnastics association in 2003/2004, the rise of "grassroots unionism" (internal Garrahan, Subway, Kraft, Pepsico and several other internal North, and developing a broad base delegates Telephone combative, SMATA, UOM, Charts), minorities "intense" and stands for agitation to the entire working class, which overall growth is continuing and passivity, the point is when symptoms start of the crisis. That has worked for some time, it is true that some "T" turned to the MMSS is not our case, the PTS, which did not run after fashion and not we listened to T. Negri, so our best known achievement is Zanon ceramics union, and now Kraft and Subway.

words on the deployment or redeployment, is more comparable to us (and as any comparison has limits) with 60s., With the 76/77. With less radicalization in the methods, because the scheme is another, but now left with less reform activist and a tip: Trotskyism taking their place in the scene. 76/77 chewed in the dust of defeat, after the direction of the front passed through petty variants ("Marxist" and Peronist), who refused, failed, to develop experience working with the Peronist movement that began to face (June / July). That is, more similar to when Walsh wrote Who Killed Rosendo?, When prepared the documents "disappointed" by criticism of the driving, which at that point would send anyone (documents cited by MB and that he says are in effect today as the foundation a retreat to Peronism).

- Finally, it is true that in college, and student demonstrations of London, something corporate, but also something "symptomatic" in the sense of the quotation above LT. Was more evident in France, high school students (secondary) were the most radical in the fight against .... the pension reform. In Argentina, the shots in Buenos Aires and Cordoba, some of it expressed, the construction problems are in years. And all this before (and in Cordoba against) the "youth K". There is an emergency youth and difference, in Argentina, is that there is a policy of attempted co-optation by the state (with militant speech) to add it to the "Armed" but with "little to offer." Here was rapid disenchantment of the new "Youth wonderful" when closed ranks with the champions of soybean country (the "Gringo" and "Gallego), settlement announced live and direct on the screens, with Renault manager luxury witness ("to hell with the mystical"!). High school and college youth can be a little more than "seed". Greetings

FR

Invitation Wording Guests Pay For Meals

Peronists, theory, bureaucracy and the "facts"

Abel says and forgive the length: I prefer the pragmatic approach that Perón liked: in politics, what counts are results. Of course, there also my visitors had arguments: EmeErre, for example, he says: " An act of ministries just got engaged to reinstate and proceed to plant at all, given the outsourced assembly. The policy in the hands of the working class (the policy of the Trots) parecde getting the only reforms . "

A very good news, and a fitting tribute to Mariano Ferreyra. Of course, there also are the presuppositions of who says it. The support given to the outsourced Moyano when he met with them, as well as national government policies appear not to have any bearing on the decision of the Minister Tomada. When an officer does something completely unresponsive to the demands of labor, it proves the complicity of the union bureaucracy and political patron. When you get a victory, tore the struggle of the workers, wisely led by the PTS or PO or ... ( delete as appropriate ).

So every one is playing his music? Not quite. A comment EmeErre, which is then replicated in a post from "The Devil", we are enlightened us something we already knew, but remember ... and understand:

"... the new law would be the right of defending Rucci agreements and Lorenzo Miguel, 74. Then agreements included categories that are now allowed to outsource (eg the Convention of the Railway Union were the categories track and work or cleaning that are now made by UOCRA or petty). The new law would keep it just for the outsourced that the agreement would be more favorable in outsourcing. Example: if I am a firm outsourced workers UOM'll be able to be in the UOCRA and I can unhook the slave even more petty or trade agreements that are even lower. Finally, to the left of Pedraza but Rucci right "

not play here ideologies and philosophies. This is a fact. Now, when we asked why, again. For simple explanations quickly crumble. It is difficult to believe that is because the union leaders, all working against the workers and every day try to joderlos a little more. Also, the automatic response of many compatriots, which would include the 30 000 missing and the betrayal of the Menem administration (which was returned to vote in '95, out of pure masochism argento, it seems) can not account for a similar story can be told in many developed countries, including, for example, U.S.

For my part, accepting that it is also too short, I note that from the 70s began a phase of financial globalization that creates an enrichment - that fictitious classical economists call - but it reaches to parts of the world population in developed countries, numerous enough for the balance of economic power producers to abandon property. Not entirely, of course. But this process is combined with a less commented that begins about fifteen years later. The relocation of industrial activity in East Asia, particularly China, attracted by low wages, lack of labor laws and the lack of environmental protection. Process which was led by a party imbued with the doctrines of Marx, Engels and Mao, for those ironies that loves to history.

Following of the global economic system is that today we are on the right and Lorenzo Rucci. I'm not particularly concerned about that. I give the Trotskyists to the left position, for that strive (...)

In the petition of Abel there are at least three discussions (and arguments!). A, say, "ideological", the other in relation to the dynamics of conquests, triumphs and defeats of the working class and does this relate to the Peronist union leadership, and a third on the transformations of capitalism in recent decades, making as a "framework" which develops the national struggles of the working class Argentina.

Abel As you say, it is difficult to separate the ideological aspect of practical political debate. Because if the theory is "widespread reality", ie general conclusions "many facts" (in this case social), enabling the development of legislation (and theories) which in turn can capture the dynamics of social processes and intervene to develop a sense "progressive", then, political theory is perhaps even more necessary than in other sciences.

And I'm not surprised that Abel, as well Peronist adhere to the "pragmatism" and entry is separated from the theory without which then can not explain the other develops two aspects, namely of theory that has a class struggle between its main foundations or whatever it is, Marxism. Abel makes it clear that is not Freudian, or Marxist, Peronist. (This sounds to me;)

And that's OK, we did not expect more (or less) of it, the problem is that if you abstraction class struggle, the other two issues that speaks seem to arise from "spontaneous generation." Let's see: Abel

somehow says, that on balance the outcome of the struggle of the outsourced rail (the return Pass and commitment to plant), we undervalue Trots at least two events: the meeting of outsourced Moyano and government policy, something that influenced that decision. That puts us in a discussion that may lead to a thought and a circular debate. Because if we turn the argument, we can say that according to the Peronist, when you lose is because of the "objective conditions" that did not (and a few that I know would add Peronist unionists "and handed him his head warm people "), and when you win is a" management "genius of the Secretary-General and" organic bodies "+ a good policy of an even better Minister of Labor (Peronist, of course).

The problem are the facts in the case of outsourcing, or Taken, and Moyano (or Abel), talked about them before, their working conditions now known to all, are released to the fight and are heard and all support (and even political cooperation) in the PTS Trots (and the Edge). The outsourcing of the country, until they do the same, that is fighting (and hopefully encourage them rail example) will not achieve such successes. The "gesture" of Moyano and Tomada, came the struggle and not vice versa. Would not it be a tribute more "worthy" to Mariano Ferreyra is over outsourcing in the country?. The problem is that outsourcing and procurement (contracts that are a complete sham labor) is one of the bases of the "model" and the earnings of capital (foreign and domestic, that does not discriminate in all contracts to outsource and use garbage) . And when he laid the structural basis of this "model" that was completed to establish in the 80 and 90 (after the dictatorship), the Peronist union leaders (mostly the same as today) to speak in Creole "did not stop a Fulbe "(as the defense of the current River): flexibility, privatization, contract law, unemployment, and then devaluation polyfunctionality and bursts of wages. Some will say "but the MTA Moyano moved Piumato and he even shot an egg," said but as General " in politics, what counts are the results" , all such attacks and passed became the capital gains that today "we fall to the right of Rucci. But here, to Abel would not have the responsibility of union leadership, which for us have a "logical" unbreakable (and reform), ie at times of peak prey on something (not hard not to fuck "the model") and moments deliver what crisis comes (not to fuck the system) and make their "perestroika" . No, the problem according to Abel, would be in international conditions, namely in the new era of "financial globalization."

But again, the question is: whence comes this phase of capitalism (which some called "neoliberal"), but is also the very contradictions of capital, the large losses suffered by the global labor movement? Reaganism and Thatcherism and the crushing of the proletariat English and Yankee, and, of course, the defeat of the Chinese proletariat and the countries of Eastern Europe and Russia, with the restoration of capitalism, were "pre-conditions" for this phase for us to "restore" (Which fortunately is exceeded). Defeats which had "something" to do the addresses of the labor movement, especially the variants of Stalinism, whether Russian or Chinese (story, say that Mao asked an Argentine activist who visited him, as he claimed in Argentina and he said "Maoist" what the "great helmsman" said "error, you must be a Peronist ).

Were not the PS, PC or Labour, which in turn directed the labor movement organizations, the "neo-liberal" who carried out these programs in several countries where they were both the government and were the agents of capitalist restoration in socialist bloc?. Or let's say that they too were "determined" by the "phase of financial globalization."

not going to make under the Peronist this international labor movement, but we can not allow that since the "pragmatism" will save the responsibilities, not just the Peronist union bureaucracy, but now also in all directions (reformist and not) of the world labor movement.

Another possibility is that there is some new "philosophy of history" Peronist we do not know (our Marxism never joined any philosophy history) to prove that we were "doomed" to the phase of financial globalization with its miseries included. As we see it difficult, in summary, we believe that under these conditions (and betrayal) that describe the struggles and power relations between classes, is the explanation of the present moment of capitalism (and I stress and related to the problems that the own capital for "extended play"). Because it just like that, history is the history of class struggle, but also as FE said "History does nothing, has no great wealth, not fight battles; who does all that, owns and struggle is man himself : Man alive, real. It is the story that the man used as a tool to achieve the goal, as if history were a separate being, because the history is but the action of the man who pursues his goals. " And among these men are, aside Pedraza and the other the Mariano Ferreyra, with its own objectives and action. Everyone will know which side to wear.

A little "epilogue" (Walsh again on the Vandoren, theory and the "facts")
says Walsh, " At one time the Vandoren has boasted for its action does not require complicated political theories (...) Discuss Vandoren from the perspective of a revolutionary theory of the working class is to rediscover one by one the old cliches of reformism, of bourgeois trade unionism. Vandor In any event he is defeated by the facts, in addition theory. If workers deem it hard today is for the results of action, for what he has achieved with their negotiations, their schemes and their covenants, to destroy the guild making metallurgical in simple device, divide the CGT, break the workers' confidence in their leaders, the labor movement to roll back to 1943 ".
paraphrase, discuss current trade union bureaucracy (Pedraza or Moyano or CTA, delete as appropriate) from the point of view of theory is to find a common place of bourgeois reformism in the labor movement. But not only are defeated by the theory, and essentially but facts: black work, job insecurity, outsourcing and fraudulent contracts "working poor" relaxation, voiding the trade unions and away (to say the least) of the leaders of their bases (unless "closer" with street gangs) how the labor movement declined?.
greetings

FR

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